fSSffiSS

fe,

THE JESUIT RELATIONS

AND

ALLIED DOCUMENTS

VOL. XLIV

The edition consists of sev
en hundred and fifty sets
all numbered

THE PROPERTY OF

THE LAW SOCIETY

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

TRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONS

OF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES

IN NEW FRANCE

1610-1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITAL
IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA
TIONS AND NOTES ; ILLUSTRATED BY
PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES

Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Vol. XLIV
IROQUOIS, LOWER CANADA: 1656-1658

CLEVELAND: Cbe furrows JBrotbers
Compang, PUBLISHERS, MDCCCXCIX

COPYRIGHT, 1899

BY

THE BURROWS BROTHERS Co

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor

Translators .

Assistant Editor
Bibliographical Adviser

REUBEN GOLD THWAITES
FINLOW ALEXANDER
PERCY FAVOR BICKNELL
CRAWFORD LINDSAY
I WILLIAM PRICE
EMMA HELEN BLAIR
VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS

CONTENTS OF VOL XLIV

PREFACE TO VOLUME XLIV
DOCUMENTS:

XCVI. Relation de ce qvi s est pass6 ....
en la Novvelle France, 6s anne"es
mil fix cens cinquante fix & mil fix
cens cinquante fept. [Chaps, xvii.-
xxii., concluding the document.]
Paul le Jeune, editor; Au College
de Clermont, December i, 1657
XCVII. Journal des PP. Je"suites. Jeande Quen,
Gabriel Druillettes, Pierre Joseph-
Marie Chaumonot, and Simon le
Moyne; Kebec, January -December,
1658 .

XCVIII. Relation de ce qvi s est passe" ....
en la Novvelle France, 6s anne"es
1657. & 1658. Anonymous; [Paris],
n. d. [Includes letters from Paul
Ragueneau, Gabriel Druillettes, and
other missionaries.]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME XLIV
NOTES

9

133

3i9
321

ILLUSTRATION TO VOL XLIV

I. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Relation
of 1657-58 . . .

PREFACE TO VOL XLIV

XCVI. Vol. XLIII. contained Chaps, i.-xvi. of the
Relation of 1656-57; the remainder of the document
is presented in this volume. The writer continues
his account of the manner in which the gospel has
been preached to the various Iroquois tribes. Chau-
monot proceeds from the Cayugas to the Senecas, the
westernmost of the Five Nations. Their chief is
converted, and is also cured of a dangerous illness.
One of the Seneca villages is composed of the Hurons
who had, upon the ruin of their own country, sur
rendered to the Iroquois ; and Chaumonot finds them
still faithful to the Christian religion. He then goes
to the Oneidas, accompanied by some Onondaga
chiefs. They receive his preaching with favor ; but
he has time only to baptize a few children and old
persons.

At Onondaga, over two hundred persons have al
ready been baptized, " among whom are five of the
most notable personages of that nation. The chiefs
themselves become zealous preachers of the gospel,
and exhort their young men to obey the Fathers
precepts. The women prove, as usual, the most
willing and faithful converts; and even the children
beg their mothers to take them to the chapel. The
woman who was the first Onondaga convert, and
who so hospitably entertained the Fathers on their
first visit thither, dies a professed Christian; and

10 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIV

many of her relatives are converted by her example.
Upon the death of a Huron captive, her infant is
buried alive with her corpse, notwithstanding the
efforts of the Fathers to prevent this cruel act. An
other little one, " still at the breast, who had never
before spoken, repeated intelligibly the words, Jesus,
have pity on me, after the Father. Three con
gregations have been formed at Onondaga, among
three different Nations, the Hurons, the neutral
Nation, and the Iroquois." In every cabin there
are some praying Indians ; and almost every person
in the tribe, whether an Iroquois or a captive, has
received some Christian instruction. A dictionary
of the Iroquois language has been prepared for the
use of the new missionaries who, it is hoped, will
be sent to this field. The savages are still more
inclined to accept the faith by the courage of the
Fathers, and the piety of the Frenchmen who have
come with them. The location of the mission is
advantageous, and enables the Jesuits to reach with
ease the neighboring tribes. The Jesuits not only
maintain the Frenchmen of their company, but also
give alms to many Huron slaves, their former dis
ciples in religion. They hear of many Algonkin
nations to the west, who as yet have no acquaintance
with Europeans; the Fathers long to convert these
heathen, and appeal for aid to carry on that enter
prise.

A letter from Le Mercier to the French provincial
(dated June 6, 1656) is published in this Relation,
because received in France too late for the preceding
one. He writes on the eve of departure for the new
Iroquois mission; he looks forward to hardships,
persecution, and even martyrdom, but is full of

PREFACE TO VOL. XLIV 11

devotion and zeal for the work, seeing the hand and
guidance of God in every step of the way. The
Fathers who are in Quebec and Montreal are eager
to join this expedition, especially those who had
labored in the Huron mission. The enterprise is
undertaken not only to convert souls, but to pacify
the fierce and jealous Iroquois, and thus secure a
stable peace for New France; those tribes are also
the doorway to many others, which are destitute of
the true faith.

The final chapter gives the " latest news of what
has occurred in New France." Part of this is joyful
tidings, for it narrates the conversion of more than
four hundred savages through the labors of Father
Me"nard ; but by the same mail comes a letter from
Ragueneau (dated Aug. 9, 1657, " on the road from
Kebec to Onontaghe "), which gives reason for
sadness and anxiety. The Onondagas of his escort
are arrogant and unkind ; they abandon some of the
Frenchmen on the way, and compel those who go
with them to leave behind most of their baggage.
A week after leaving Montreal, these treacherous
savages make an atrocious attack upon the Hurons
whom they have lured or forced away from Quebec ;
they murder several, and seize as slaves the women
and children, whom they despoil of all their goods
and clothing. Ragueneau s heart is pierced with
sorrow at this melancholy scene; he consoles the
poor captives as best he can, and offers a large
amount of porcelain to their oppressors, to purchase
for them kind treatment and assurance of safety.
He is told, that very night, that the Iroquois are
planning to murder all the Frenchmen in the com
pany ; but nothing further comes of this. An extract

12 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIV

from another letter, apparently written by Mnard,
recounts the sufferings and persecutions endured by
the missionaries to the Iroquois, and urgently appeals
for aid to maintain their enterprise.

XCVII. The Journal des Jesuites is continued
during 1658 by Jean de Quen, superior of the Cana
dian missions, with occasional gaps which are filled
by Druillettes, Chaumonot, and Le Moyne.

Mohawk envoys come to Quebec January 31, to
obtain the surrender to them of the Hurons. The
proceedings of the council are narrated at length.
D Ailleboust sternly rebukes the Mohawks for their
treachery, and demands reparation for injuries com
mitted by their tribe in previous raids upon the
French settlements. Two traders are fined by the
Council (March 23), " each 500 livres, for selling
goods at a higher price than the tariff." Abbe de
Queylus denounces the sale of brandy to the savages
as a mortal sin. A contract of association between
Couillard and the Hospital nuns is set aside, on the
ground that the nuns are " persons who are not
qualified to engage in the trade." On April i, the
habitants of Cap Rouge are summoned before
Monsieur the Governor, to answer for having refused
to provide the blessed bread for the parish church of
Quebec; they accept his proposal, that hereafter
they " pay a few ecus every year to the church, for
supplying the blessed bread." On the twenty-
third, all the Frenchmen of the Onondaga settlement
arrive at Quebec: the mission is broken up. A
month later, Le Moyne returns from the Mohawk
country, with envoys from that tribe, who seek the
release of the hostages held by the French ; this is
granted by D Ailleboust. A few weeks later, an

PREFACE TO VOL. XLIV 13

Iroqttois band carry away as prisoners three French
men from Montreal; one of these is Adrien Joliet,
a brother of the explorer.

This year, the first ship from France arrives July
1 1 ; it brings the new governor, D Argenson, and a
Jesuit, Claude Allouez. On the twenty-eighth, the
governor dines with the Jesuits ; " he was received
by the youths of the country with a little drama in
French, Huron, and Algonquin, in our Garden, in
the sight of all the people of Quebec." A few days
later, the Huron and Algonkin allies pay their
respects to the new ruler, and promise obedience to
his commands. On the next day, he gives these
Indians " a feast of 7 Kettles," and distributes many
presents to them, chiefly weapons and ammunition.
Various raids by the Iroquois occur during the sum
mer; in September several of these enemies are
captured by the French at Three Rivers, and brought
to Quebec as hostages. Garakontie, the Onondaga
chief, brings back Joliet and another French pris
oner, and asks the Jesuits to return with him. They
promise to do so when affairs between the French
and Iroquois are settled. D Argenson continues the
vigorous policy of his predecessor; he retains most
of the Iroquois prisoners, and sends back a few to
tell their tribesmen of their detention at Quebec.

This autumn, six Jesuits sail for France. Jeanne
Mance, of the Montreal colony, also goes; an effort
is made thereupon, to secure the establishment of
nuns from the Quebec order at the Montreal hospital.

In November, seven Frenchmen are captured by
Mohawks; but envoys from that tribe, meeting them
on the way, bring back these men to Three Rivers.
They then proceed to Quebec, where they still talk

14 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIV

of peace, and promise to bring hither, next spring,
an Oneida who had murdered a Frenchman. D Ar-
genson promises to send Le Moyne to them in the
spring, and releases some of their prisoners, but
detains others as hostages.

XCVIII. The Relation of 1657-58 is given entire
in this volume. It is prefaced by a brief note in
which the Paris editor implies the loss (as in previous
years) of some of the documents sent him from New
France ; and mentions the persecutions freshly begun
against the Jesuits, referring to the disastrous end
ing of their Onondaga mission.

The Relation begins with a clear-sighted analysis
of the motives and actions of the Iroquois with
regard to that mission. A letter from Ragueneau to
the provincial describes the forced retreat of the mis
sionaries, who have returned " laden with some
spoils wrested from the powers of Hell." These
are " more than five hundred children, and many
adults, most of whom died after Baptism." They
have also restored Faith and renewed piety among
the poor Huron captives. Irritated at the imprison
ment of some of their warriors by D Ailleboust, the
Onondagas plot the destruction of the French among
them. The latter make their escape, and return to
Quebec, arriving there April 23, 1658. The Iroquois
are harassing the French settlements, which not only
are feeble, but have not dared to attack the enemy,
fearing savage vengeance upon the French at Onon
daga. The latter, upon reaching Quebec, learn from
escaped Huron captives that all the kindness shown
to the French by the Onondagas was merely a pre
tense by those perfidious savages to lure first the
French, and afterward the Hurons, into their power,

PREFACE TO VOL. XL1V 15

that they might massacre the former and enslave
the latter.

Another letter from Ragueneau, addressed to Le
Jeune, gives the particulars of the daring retreat
made by the Onondaga colony. Upon learning of
the plots against them, they construct boats in which
to escape. A great feast is made for their savage
hosts; when these, gorged to repletion, are over
come by sleep, the French stealthily depart (March
20), and set out upon their long and dangerous voy
age to Quebec. In the rapids of the St. Lawrence,
they are almost engulfed, and three men are drowned.
After many perils and hardships, they reach Mont
real, April 3.

From various letters received, the editor compiles
a " journal of what occurred between the French
and the Savages." This account begins with an
historical sketch of the mission at Onondaga, from
its inception in 1655; then follows a resume of the
alternate raids and embassies of the Iroquois, and
the dealings of the French with them mainly a
repetition of what has already been narrated thereon
in the Relations and Journal des Jtsuites. The writer
describes various matters in detail among them
the proceedings of a council held early in January,
1658, with Mohawk envoys to Quebec. They bring
letters from Le Moyne, who is wintering in their
country. He writes that the Mohawks have sent all
their young warriors on hostile expeditions against
the Algonkin and Montagnais tribes north of the St.
Lawrence ; he also relates the sad fate of the Hurons
who were carried away from Quebec, who are now
reduced to abject slavery by their captors. About
this time, secret councils are held in all the Iroquois

16 PREFACE TO VOL. XLIV

tribes, where death is decreed for all the Frenchmen
in their country. A friendly chief persuades them
to delay the execution of this scheme until their
young men return from war; and then he reveals
the plot to the Fathers, who accordingly depart in
secret for Quebec, as has been already related. Le
Moyne quits the Mohawk country, and goes to the
Dutch settlements, expecting to go on a Dutch vessel
to Quebec; but in May he returns to Montreal with
other Mohawk deputies. In June, a band of Oneidas
capture and burn to death three Frenchmen. The
new governor, D Argenson, arrives in July. The
day after his arrival, when he is about to sit down
to dinner, an alarm is given of an Iroquois attack,
and he is obliged to sally forth at once with the
soldiers. Soon afterward, he conducts a scouting
expedition to Lake St. Pierre, but the enemy elude
him . As opportunity allows, the Iroquois continue to
harass the French settlers ; but the governor shows
energy and courage in dealing with them.

A chapter of this Relation is devoted to an account
(mainly by Druillettes) of the great Western region
recently explored by Radisson and Groseilliers, with
the tribes dwelling therein, and mention of " differ
ent routes from Canadas to the North Sea" infer-
mation which is derived partly from those two
adventurers, partly from Indians who have also
traveled westward. Six routes to Hudson Bay (the
North Sea") are here described. Then follows
an account of fourteen different tribes dwelling in
the region of the great lakes. Most of these are
sedentary, and very populous ; and they offer a vast
field for missionary labors, all the more urgent,
since the hostility of the Iroquois has either limited

PREFACE TO VOL. XLIV 17

or closed the missions thus far conducted in the
more eastern regions.

The virtuous life and pious death of a young
Huron girl, the first of that tribe who had become a
nun, are described by the Mother Superior of the
Quebec hospital. A chapter (apparently written
by Le Jeune) is devoted to differences in physical
and mental constitution, in dress, and in various
customs, between the French and the savages.

In the concluding chapter are given, as usual,
some items of " news brought by the latest vessel."
The retreat of the French from Onondaga was
effected so skillfully and silently that the supersti
tious Iroquois, unable to explain it, regard them as
demons, and fear them accordingly. D Argenson
keeps numerous Iroquois hostages in confinement,
and refuses to release them unless children from the
leading families in those tribes shall be brought to
Quebec to be educated and Christianized in the semi
naries there. Last, and best of all, the upper
Algonkins promise to send down to Quebec a large
and valuable shipment of furs, and ask for Jesuits to
instruct them in the faith. During the past year,
about nine hundred savages have been baptized.

R. G. T.

MADISON, Wis., April, 1899.

XCVI (concluded)

RELATION OF 16^6- ^

PARIS: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 1658

In Volume XLIII., we presented the first sixteen chapters
of this Relation, and herewith give the remainder of the
document.

20

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

[i 66] CHAPITRE XVII.

DE LA PUBLICATION DE LA FOY AUX IROQUOIS SON-
NONTOUAEHRONNONS.

LE pays de Sonnontoiian beaucoup plus fertile
& plus peuple que les autres Prouinces des
Iroquois, contient deux gros bourgs & quantite*
de bourgades, outre le Bourg des Hurons, appelle de
Saindt Michel, qui s y eft refugie, pour euiter le
malheur commun de leur Nation. Us y gardent leurs
couftumes & leurs fagons particulieres, & viuent
feparement des Iroquois, fe contentant d eftre vnis
de coeur & d amide" auec eux. N ayant pas vn
nombre fuffifant d ouuriers pour cultiuer vne vigne fi
fpacieufe, nous nous contentons de leur prefcher
VEuangile, quand ils nous apportent leurs prefens
de ceremonie, & d alliance, ou quand nous leur
portons les noftres. Car auffi-toft que le Pere Chau-
mont vn peu apres noftre arriue"e en ce pays, eut adopte"
les Oiogoenhronnons [167] pour enfans d Onnontio,
il alia a Sonnontoiian pour adopter ces peuples pour
freres, & les faire nos freres en effet par le moyen de
la Foy, a laquelle il les vouloit difpofer.

Ayant affemble" tous les Anciens de Gandagan
principal bourg de Sonnontoiian, & fait les prefens
d alliance a 1 ordinaire: II commen9a d expliquer
auec vn ton feruent & efleue" les veritez principales
de 1 Euangile, qu il fcela des trois plus beaux prefens
qu il auoit referuez pour cela. Et pour les preffer

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1636 -57 21

[i 66] CHAPTER XVII.

OF THE PREACHING OF THE FAITH TO THE SONNON-
TOUAEHRONNON IROQUOIS.

THE country of Sonnontouan, which is much
more fertile and more populous than the
other Iroquois Provinces, contains two large
villages and a number of small ones, besides the
Huron Village called Saint Michel, whose inhabitants
sought refuge there to escape the general destruction
of their Nation. 1 They retain their own customs
and peculiar usages, and live apart from the Iroquois,
satisfied to be united with them in good feeling and
friendship. As we have not a sufficient number of
laborers wherewith to cultivate so extensive a vine
yard, we content ourselves with preaching the Gospel
to them, when they bring us their presents on cere
monious occasions and in token of alliance, or when
we carry ours to them. For, as soon as Father
Chaumont, shortly after our arrival in this country,
had adopted the Oiogoenhronnons [167] as the chil
dren of Onnontio, he went to Sonnontouan to adopt
those people as his brothers, and to make them
really our brothers by means of the Faith, to which
he strove to incline them.

Having assembled all the Elders of Gandagan, the
principal village of Sonnontouan, 3 and having
bestowed the presents that are usually given as tok
ens of alliance, he commenced in a fervent and loud

22 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

dauantage, moy-mefme, dit-il, ie me donne auec ces
prefens pour garand des veritez que ie vous prefche,
& fi ma vie que ie vous confacre, ne vous femble pas
affez confiderable, ie vous offre celle de tant de Fran-
ois qui m ont fuiui iufqu a Gannentaa, pour eftre
les te"moins de la Foy que ie vous prefche. Ne vous
fierez-vous pas a ces prefens viuans, & a ces braues
courages? Et feries-vous bien aflez fimples pour
croire qu vne fi lefle trouppe euft quitt6 fon pays
natal Ie plus beau & Ie plus agreable du monde, &
fouffert tant de fatigues, [168] pour porter fi loin vn
menfonge? L euenement fit voir que ces Barbares
furent touchez par Ie difcours du Pere : Car apres
auoir bien delibere, ils firent refponce qu ils croioient
volontiers, & embrafloient la Foy qu on auoit la bonte
de leur prefenter ; & prierent auec inftance Ie Pere
de s habituer chez eux, pour les mieux inftruire de
nos myfteres. II y en eut vn touche plus viuement
que les autres, qui ne voulut pas laiffer partir Ie Pere,
qu il ne s en fufl fait inftruire & baptifer, & qu il
n euft procure* Ie mefme bon heur a fa femme. Dieu
benit les trauaux de ce Pere des mefmes fuccez dans
les autres Bourgs.

AnnonKenritaoui, qui eft Ie Chef de ces peuples, a
voulu les furpaffer tous en ferueur, & a efte* vn des
premiers Chreftiens. Vn chancre qui luy mangeoit
la cuiffe 1 ayant alitte", Ie Pere, quoy qu indifpofe, Ie
fut voir, & Ie conuertit a la Foy, dont il fera fans
doute vn grand appuy dans fon pays, puis que Dieu
femble ne 1 auoir gueri que pour ce deffein d vn mal,
que tout Ie monde croioit incurable.

[169] Entre plufieurs Hurons qui ont la conferu6
leur Foy dans la captiuite, ce Pere y fit rencontre

1656-58] RELATION OF 1636-57 23

tone to explain the principal truths of the Gospel,
which he sealed with the three finest presents of all,
which he had reserved for this purpose. As a further
inducement, he said: " I give myself with these
presents as a warranty of the truths that I preach to
you; and if my life, which I devote to you, do not
seem sufficient for you, I offer you those of so many
French who have followed me to Gannentaa, to bear
witness to the Faith that I preach to you. Will you
not trust those living presents, and such bravery and
courage? And will you be simple enough to think
that so clever a band of men would have left their
native country, the finest and most agreeable in
the world, and endured such fatigue, [168] in order
to bring a falsehood so far?" The event showed
that those Barbarians were touched by the Father s
discourse. After having maturely deliberated, they
replied that they willingly believed and embraced
the Faith which we had been kind enough to bring
to them, and they earnestly begged the Father to
reside with them, in order the better to instruct
them in our mysteries. One was more deeply
touched than the others; he would not allow the
Father to depart before he had been instructed and
baptized, and had obtained the same happiness for
his wife. God rewards the labors of that Father with
the same success in the other Villages.

Annonkenritaoui, who is the Chief of these peo
ples, was inclined to surpass all in fervor, and was
one of the first Christians. A canker that was eating
away his thigh compelled him to take to his bed.
The Father, although ill himself, went to see him,
and converted him to the Faith. He will, doubtless,
be a great prop to it in his own country, for God

24 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

d vne femme qui auoit conferue" toute la ferueur d vne
bonne Chreftienne, de laquelle il apprit que les Hu-
rons de 1 Ifle d Orleans continuoient dans 1 exercice
de noftre Religion auec autant de zele que iamais,
& qu vn d eux appelle" lacques Otfiaouens auoit efton-
ne" par fa conftance les Iroquois qui le brufloient,
n obmettant rien de fes prieres ordinaires, & inuo-
quant inceffamment le nom de IESVS dans fes
tourmens.

Les Hurons de Saindt Michel ne temoignerent pas
moins de piete, eftant rauis d aife de reuoir vn de
leurs chers Pafteurs, & chacun demandant d abord
ou 1 abfolution pour foy, ou le Baptefmes pour fes
enfans. Les vieillards mefme qui auoient mefprife"
la lumiere de 1 Euangile pendant que leur pays eftoit
floriflant, la recherchoient alors foigneufement, de
mandant inftamment le Baptef me : Tant il eft vray
que I afflidlion donne de 1 entendement, & que 1 ad-
uernte" ouure les yeux de ceux que la [170] profperite"
auoit aueuglez. Cependant quelques doux que f uffent
ces fruidts de 1 Euangile, le Pere fut oblige" de s en
feurer bien-toft, des affaires plus preffantes 1 appel
lant ailleurs.

II eut vne belle occafion en chemin de fe mocquer
de la fuperftition des Infidelles, fon guide luy ayant
prefent6 vn morceau de bois pour letter fur deux
pierres rondes qu on rencontre en chemin enuiron-
nees des marques de la fuperftition de ces pauures
peuples ; qui iettent en paff ant vn petit bafton fur
ces pierres en fagon d hommage, & y adiouftent ces
paroles Koue afKennon efKatongot, c eft a dire, tien,
voila pour payer mon paffage, afin que i auance en
feurete.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1656-57 25

seems to have cured him, solely with that design, of
a disease which every one considered incurable.

[169] Among the many Hurons who have preserved
their Faith in captivity, the Father met a woman
who had retained all the fervor of a good Christian.
He learned from her that the Hurons from the Island
of Orleans continued to practice our Religion as
zealously as ever, and that one of them, called
Jacques Otsiaouens, had by his constancy astonished
the Iroquois who were burning him, omitting not a
single one of his usual prayers, and continually invok
ing the name of JESUS in his tortures.

The Hurons of Saint Michel manifested no less
devotion and were delighted to see once more one of
their beloved Pastors. Every one at first asked either
for absolution for himself, or Baptism for his chil
dren. Even the old people, who had despised the
light of the Gospel while their country was flourish
ing, now anxiously sought it, and earnestly asked for
Baptism. So true is it that affliction gives under
standing, and that adversity opens the eyes of those
whom [170] prosperity had blinded. Nevertheless,
however sweet those fruits of the Gospel may have
been, the Father was soon obliged to deprive himself
of them, because more pressing affairs called him
elsewhere.

He had a fine opportunity, on the way, of ridiculing
the superstition of the Infidels. His guide offered
him a piece of wood, to throw upon two round stones
which, surrounded by evidences of the superstition
of these poor people, are encountered upon the road.
It is the custom, in passing, to throw a small stick
on the stones by way of homage, and add these
words: Koue askennon eskatongot, that is to say,

26

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Ie ne peux omettre la mort de Dauid le Moyne,
qui doit fembler pretieufe aux yeux des gens de bien,
comme nous croyons qu elle 1 a efte aux yeux de
Dieu. C eftoit vn ieune-homme de Diepe age d en-
uiron vingt ans, que fon zele auoit mis a la fuite du
Pere dans cette Miffion, apres s y eftre difpofe par
vne confeffion generale. Vn flux de [171] fang qui
fit languir long temps fon corps, ne put attiedir vn
moment fa deuotion, & il mourut fur le bord du Lac
de Tiohero auec vne douceur & vne refignation de
Predefine, beniffant Dieu de ce qu il mouroit fur les
terres des Iroquois, & dans 1 employ du zele pour
1 augmentation de la Foy. Cette mort n eftoit-elle
pas vne belle recompenfe d vne vie employ6e au
falut des Ames, & vn effet illuftre de la protection
de la Saindte Vierge, a laquelle ce ieune homme
auoit vne deuotion tres-particuliere?

1 656 - 58] RELA T1ON OF 1636 -57 27

( Here is something to pay my passage, that I may
proceed in safety."

I cannot omit to mention the death of David le
Moyne, which must appear precious in the eyes of
good people, as we believe it did in the eyes of God.
He was a young man of Diepe, about twenty years
of age, whose zeal had led him to follow the Father
to this Mission, after he had prepared for it by a
general confession. A bloody flux, [171] which
caused his body to waste away for a long time, could
not for a moment cool the ardor of his devotion ; and
he died on the shore of Lake Tiohero, with the gen
tleness and the resignation of one of the Elect, bless
ing God that he died in the land of the Iroquois,
and in the exercise of his zeal for the advancement
of the Faith. Was not that death a glorious reward
for a life spent in procuring the salvation of Souls ;
and a remarkable effect of the protection of the
Blessed Virgin, for whom the young man had always
had a most particular devotion ?

28 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

CHAPITRE XVIII.

DE LA PUBLICATION DE LA FOY AUX IROQUOIS ON-

NEIOUTHRONNONS.

ON fe preparoit a partir pour le voyage d On-
neiout, lors qu on recent nouuelle qu il n y
faifoit pas feur, & qu on y tramoit la mort
des Francois. Ce bruit eftoit fonde fur ce qu vn
guerrier reuenu recemment des Trois Riuieres, oh
il auoit tue quelques Hurons par [172] trahifon,
receuant des fiens reproche de cette adtion, & quel
ques- vns luy ayant dit qu il euft autant valu tuer les
Francois, puis que 1 vnion eftoit fi eftroitte entre le
Fran?ois & le Huron, qu ils ne faifoient qu vne
mefme chofe: ce Braue refpondit, que s il ne tenoit
qu a cela il trouueroit bien le moyen d en tuer, & que
les Ambaffadeurs Fra^ois ne luy pouroient e"chapper.
Nous nelaiffafmes pas de pafler outre, apres en auoir
delibere auec les Anciens d Onnontaghe", qui deuoient
auoir part a 1 Ambaffade. Les Peres Chaumont &
Menart accompagnez de deux Fra^ois, furent ceux
qui entreprirent ce voyage.

Leur premier gifte fut dans vne foreft, ofr le Capi-
taine harangua toute la bande a 1 ordinaire. Ah mes
freres, difoit-il, que vous eftes las! que de peine de
marcher fur la neige, fur la glace & dans 1 eau!
Mais, courage, ne nous plaignons pas de ce trauail,
puis que nous 1 entreprenons pour vne fi belle caufe.
Demons qui habitez ces forefts, gardez-vous de nuire

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656 -57 29

CHAPTER XVIII.

OF THE PREACHING OF THE FAITH TO THE ONNEIOUT-

HRONNON IROQUOIS.

WE were preparing to start on the journey to
Onneiout, when we received word that it
was not safe to go there, and that plots were
being laid to kill the French. The following was the
foundation of this rumor. A warrior, but recently
returned from Three Rivers where he had treacher
ously killed some Hurons, [172] was reproached with
that deed by his people. Some said that he might as
well have killed the French, because the Frenchman
and the Huron were so closely allied that they were
but one and the same; thereupon, the Brave replied
that, if that were all, he would soon find means to
kill some, and that the French Ambassadors could
not escape him.

Nevertheless, we proceeded on our way, after delib
erating on the matter with the Elders of Onnontaghe"
who were to form part of the Embassy. Fathers
Chaumont and Menart, accompanied by two French
men, were those who undertook the journey.

Their first halting-place was in a forest, where the
Captain harangued his band as usual. " Ah, my
brothers," he said, "how weary you are! What
trouble to walk over the snow, over the ice, and
through the water! But courage; let us not com
plain of the work, since we have undertaken it in
so good a cause. Ye Demons who dwell in these

30

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 44

a aucun de ceux qui compofent cette Ambaffade. Et
vous Arbres [173] chargez d annees, & que la vieil-
leffe doit bien-toft letter par terre, fufpendez voftre
cheute, & n enuelopez pas dans voftre rui ne ceux qui
vont empefcher la ruine des Prouinces & des Nations.
II fit auffi vne harangue de complimens aux femmes
qui portoient les prouifions du voyage, loiiant leur
courage & leur conftance.

A leur arriuee au Bourg apres les harangues & les
complimens de part & d autre, on les fit entrer dans
les cabanes qui leur auoient efte deftine"es; ou on
leur dit d abord, que 1 Onnonhouaroia, qui eft vne
efpece de Carnaual parmy ces peuples, empefchoit
qu on ne peuft leur pref enter quelque chofe & man
ger, & qu on tafcheroit d abreger cette ceremonie en
leur faueur: ce qu on fit bien-toft apres, les Anciens
ayant obtenu qu on la remift k vn autre temps.

Le premier iour fe paffa & receuoir les vifites des
anciens Chreftiens Hurons, & les ciuilitez des Onnei-
outhronnons, qui repetoient fouuent ce compliment
aux Fran9ois. O mes Peres que vous [174] auez pris
de peine de venir voir vos enfans! Us firent &
receurent ce mefme iour diuers petits pref ens de peu
d importance, & qui ne fe faifoient qu entre des
particuliers.

Le iour fuiuant eft ant deftine" aux prefents folen-
nels, le Pere qui portoit la parole, en eftala vingt,
adiouftant 1 explication a chacun, fur tout aux trois
plus beaux, dont 1 vn fe faifoit pour adopter les
Onneiouthronnons pour enfans d Onnontio, & les
deux autres pour les inftruire de la Foy. Ce fut a
lors que le Pere leur expliqua nos myfteres, les ex-
hortant k reconnoiftre la belle lumiere de 1 Euangile

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656 -37 31

forests, be careful not to harm those who compose
this Embassy. And ye Trees [173] that are laden
with years, and that will soon be cast down to the
earth by old age, delay your fall, and involve not in
your ruin those who go to prevent the ruin of the
Provinces and of the Nations." He also addressed a
commendatory harangue to the women who carried
the provisions for the journey, praising their courage
and perseverance.

On their arrival at the Village, after harangues and
compliments on both sides, they were taken into the
cabins assigned to them. There they were told at
first that, because of the Onnonhouaroia, which is a
kind of Carnival among those peoples, they could
not be offered anything to eat, and that an effort
would be made to shorten the ceremony on their
account. This was done soon afterward, the Elders
obtaining its postponement to another time.

The first day was passed in receiving the visits of
the old Huron Christians and the civilities of the
Onneiouthronnons, who frequently repeated this
compliment to the French : " O my Fathers, what
[174] trouble you have taken to come and see your
children ! " On the same day, they gave and received
various small presents of slight importance, such as
were only exchanged between individuals.

On the following day, which was set apart for the
solemn presents, the Father, who was the spokesman,
spread out twenty, giving an explanation of each
one, especially of the three finest. One of them was
given to adopt the Onneiouthronnons as the children
of Onnontio; and the two others, to instruct them
in the Faith. Thereupon, the Father explained our
mysteries to them, exhorting them to recognize the

32 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [ VOL. 44

qui venoit les e"clairer: ce qu il fit au long, fans
eftre interrompu; ceux qui parlent dans ces Aflem-
blees, ayant droit de dire tout ce qu il leur plaift, fans
qu aucun ait droit de les interrompre. Cette femence
fut li heureufement receue, qu on auoit lieu d en
efperer vne heureufe recolte, ii les Anciens d Onnon-
taghe", qui craignoient encore quelque furprife,
n euffent trop preffe le depart des Peres.

II ayma-mieux toutesfois leur laiffer [175] prendre
le deuant, que de manquer a baptifer deux vieillards
qu il auoit de"ja difpofez ^. receuoir ce Sacrement,
qu il confera . plufieurs petits enfans auec eux, apres
auoir bien paye fon efcot a fon hofteffe, en 1 inftrui-
fant & [en] la confeffant.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1656-57 38

bright light of the Gospel, that came to enlighten
them. This he did at length, without being inter
rupted; for they who speak in those Assemblies
have the right to say all that they please, and no one
has the right to interrupt them. This seed was so
favorably received that there was reason to hope for
a good harvest, had not the Elders of Onnontaghe",
who were still fearing some surprise, hastened the
Fathers departure.

He preferred however to let them [175] precede
him, rather than not baptize two old men whom he
had already prepared for that Sacrament. He admin
istered it at the same time to several little children,
after having amply paid his reckoning to his hostess
by instructing and confessing her.

34

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

CHAPITRE XIX.

DE LA PUBLICATION DE LA FOY AUX IROQUOIS ONNON-

TAGEHRONNONS.

1L fuffiroit, pour faire entendre au Ledleur quels
font les progrez de 1 Euangile dans cette Nation,
chez laquelle eft noitre principale Miffion des
Iroquois, de dire qu on y fait 1 Office diuin, qu on y
adminiftre les Sacremens, qu on y pratique les vertus
Chrefbiennes auec autant de mode (lie, autant de foin,
& autant de ferueur, que dans les Prouinces les plus
Catholiques & les plus denotes de 1 Europe. Plus de
deux cents baptifez en peu de temps, entre lefquels
il y en a cinq des plus confiderables [176] de cette
nation, font les pierres-viues qui compofent les pre
miers fondements de cette Eglife: en forte que ces
peuples font maintenant fi eloignez d auoir honte de
1 Euangile, ou de la perfecuter, qu ils font tous
gloire de la fuiure, ou de la defirer; & fi 1 vn ou
1 autre des deux Peres emploiez a cette Miffion
demande entrant dans les cabannes, qui font les
Chreftiens, on luy refpond qu il n y a plus parmy
eux que des Chreftiens, depuis que les anciens font
deuenus Predicateurs de la Loy Chreftienne; tant
I exemple des premiers des Prouinces & des villes/ a de
pouuoir fur les efprits, & fur la conduite des peuples.
Pleuft a Dieu que tous ceux qui ont authorite" par-
mi les peuples, eclairez de la lumiere de la Foy, depuis
plulieurs fiecles, euffent le mef me zele pour porter a la
vertu par leurs exemples, par leurs adtions, & par leurs

1656 - 58] K EL A TJON OF 1656 -57 35

CHAPTER XIX.

OF THE PREACHING OF THE FAITH TO THE ONNON-
TAGEHRONNON IROQUOIS.

TO enable the Reader to understand the progress
that the Gospel has made in this Nation, in
whose country our principal Mission among
the Iroquois is situated, it is sufficient to say that
divine Service is celebrated there; that the Sacra
ments are administered; that the Christian virtues
are practiced there with as much modesty, attention,
and fervor as in the most Catholic and most devout
Provinces of Europe. Over two hundred persons
baptized within a short space of time, among whom
are five of the most notable personages [176] of that
nation, are the living stones that constitute the first
foundation of this Church. These peoples are now
so far from being ashamed of the Gospel, or from
persecuting it, that they all glory in following or
desiring it; and, when one of the two Fathers who
labor in this Mission asks, on entering a cabin, who
are the Christians, the answer he receives is that
there are no longer any but Christians among them,
since the elders have become Preachers of the Chris
tian Law. Such is the influence exerted by the ex
ample of the leaders of Provinces and cities over the
minds and conduct of the people.

Would to God that all who have authority among
the nations illumined by the light of the Faith
for several centuries, had the same zeal to lead to

36 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

difcours, ceux au deffus defquels la puiffance de Dieu
les a e"leuez ! Voici comme s acquita de ce deuoir vn
des principaux Iroquois dans vne nombreufe afTern-
ble"e, 1 exhortant [177] en ces termes & la piet6.

Courage, mes neueux, courage: croyons tons, qu il
n y ait pas vn Infidele parmy nous: & puis qu il ne
faut que quitter le peche" pour eftre bon Chreftien, il
faut ceffer, ieunes hommes, de vous demarier; il ne
faut plus, ieunes femmes, fauffer la foy a vos maris.
Qu on n entende plus parmy nous parler de larcins,
plus de meurtres, plus de facrileges. Ah que noftre
bonheur feroit grand, fi nous auions banni de noftre
pays tous ces vices, qui nous ont confomme fi grand
nombre de guerriers, & qui nous ont fait vne plus
cruelle guerre que tous nos autres ennemis ! Croyons
done mes neueux, mais croyons tout de bon, puis
qu il n y a que la Foy, qui puiife nous faire heureux
en cette vie & en 1 autre. Ce genereux Chreftien
fut efcoute" auec vne attention merueilleufe, en forte
que fon difcours ne fut interrompu que par des accla
mations, par lefquelles fes auditeurs temoignoient
leur approbation vniuerfelle.

Les femmes ayant beaucoup d authorite parmi ces
peuples, leur vertu [178] y fait d autant plus de fruict
qu autre-part, & leur exemple en trouuent d autant
plus d imitateurs. La faindte mort de Madeleine
Tiotonharafon, precedee de la profeffion de Foy qu elle
auoit efte faire a Kebec, en a efte vne heureufe preuue :
puis qu ayant meprife dans fa maladie les difcours
de ceux qui luy vouloient perfuader de quitter noftre
Religion pour guerir, & ayant conferue iufqu au der
nier foufpir cette Foy, a laquelle on attribuoit fa mort,
fon fils, fa mere, fes oncles, & fes tantes conuerties

1656 - 58] RE LA TION OF j6j6 -37 37

virtue by their examples, deeds, and words those
over whom the power of God has placed them.
Observe how one of the leading Iroquois acquitted
himself of that duty at a numerous gathering, whom
he exhorted [177] to piety in the following words:

" Courage, my nephews, courage! Let us all
believe ; let there not be a single Infidel among us.
And, since all that is needed to be a good Christian
is to give up sin, you, young men, must cease to
divorce yourselves; and you, young women, must no
longer be unfaithful to your husbands. Let us hear
no longer of larceny, of murder, or of sacrilege among
us. Ah, how great would our happiness be, if we
had banished from our country all those vices that
have destroyed so many warriors, and have waged a
more cruel war against us than all our other enemies !
Let us therefore believe, my nephews, but let us
believe in earnest ; for Faith alone can make us happy
in this life and in the next." That noble Christian
was listened to with marvelous attention, and his
discourse was interrupted only by acclamations, by
which his auditors manifested their full approval.

The women have great authority among these
peoples; their virtue [178] produces greater fruit,
and their example finds more imitators, than else
where. The saintly death of Madeleine Tiotonha-
rason, preceded by her profession of Faith, which
she went to make at Kebec, was a happy proof of
this. During her illness, she refused to listen to
the discourses of those who tried to induce her to
abandon our Religion, in order to be cured ; and she
retained to her last breath that Faith, to which her
death was attributed. In consequence, her mother,
her uncles and aunts, who were converted shortly

38 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

vn pen deuant leur decez, dans vne extreme vieilleffe,
& plufieurs autres de fes proches ont fuiui fon exem-
ple mourans peu de temps apres elle, auec le mefme
zele pour la Foy, les mefmes tendreffes pour le ciel, &
le mefme mepris de la mort & de la fuperftition.

L empreffement, les cris, & les larmes auec lef-
quelles les petits enfans obligent leurs meres de les
mener ou de les porter k la Chapelle, pour y faire
leurs prieres, nous font affez voir que le Royaume
des cieux eft pour les enfans, & que Dieu tire fa
gloire de ces petites [179] creatures, auffi bien que
de ceux qui font dans des ages plus auancez.

II n y a perfonne qui ne doiue eftre touche de ce
que mande vn des deux Peres qui trauaillent a Onnon-
tagh6. Voicy les termes de fa Lettre. La bonne
Chreitienne Huronne dont ie vous mande hier la
mort, ayant laiffe au berceau vn enfant de trois ou
quatre mois, que nous auions baptife" dans noftre
Chapelle; nous n auons peu empefcher qu on ne
1 enterraft tout vif auec le corps mort de fa mere, par
vn motif de companion trop ordinaire & nos Sauuages,
qui aiment mieux faire mourir tout d vn coup vn
enfant a la mammelle, que de luy laiffer traifner vne
vie languiffante & miferable apres la mort de fa
mere, qui feule luy doit feruir de nourrice. On a eu
plus de companion de 1 enfant d vne autre Chreftienne
captiue, morte depuis quelque temps: car on 1 a
nourri depuis, en forte neantmoins qu il eft tombe"
en chart[r]e, ayant trop toft efte priu6 du laidt de fa
mere. Ce pauure petit predeftine donne tous les
marques poffibles de ioye quand il me voit: on [180]
diroit a luy voir ioindre les mains, quand on 1 exhorte
a prier Dieu, qu il dit de coeur les prieres qu il ne

1 656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656 -57 39

before their deaths, in extreme old age, and sev
eral of her other relatives, followed her example,
dying 1 a short time after her in the same zeal for the
Faith, the same love for heaven, and the same
contempt for death and for superstition.

The eagerness, the cries, and the tears with which
the little children beg their mothers to take or carry
them to the Chapel, that they may say their prayers
there, show us sufficiently that the Kingdom of
heaven is for children, and that God derives his glory
from those little [179] creatures, as well as from those
who are more advanced in years.

There is no one who would not be touched by the
information sent us by one of the two Fathers who
labor at Onnontaghe. Here are the words of his
Letter: " The good Christian Huron woman of whose
death I informed you yesterday left in the cradle a
child three or four months old, whom we had
baptized in our Chapel. In spite of our efforts, he
was buried alive with the dead body of his mother,
through a motive of compassion which is only too
common among our Savages : they prefer to put an
infant at the breast to death at once, rather than
allow it to drag on a languishing and miserable life
after the death of its mother, who alone can nurse it.
They had more pity on the child of another Christian
captive, who died some time ago. He has been fed
since then, but has been attacked with consumption
of the bowels, having been deprived too soon of his
mother s milk. This poor little predestined child
betrays every possible manifestation of joy whenever
he sees me; one [180] would say, on seeing him clasp
his hands when he is exhorted to pray to God, that
he says in his heart the prayers that his lips cannot

40 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

pent encore dire de bouche.- luy voyat vn iour donner
vne efpece de confentement des yeux & des levres,
pendant que ie 1 exhortois h prendre le chemin du
ciel, pour y fuiure fa mere ; ie me perf trade" facile-
ment qu il auoit quelque chofe pardeffus la porte"e
de fon age, & que comme il pouuoit conceuoir ce que
ie luy difois, il pouroit auffi reconnoiftre & inuoquer
fon Sauueur: Ce fut pourquoy ie luy dis, Charles,
prions Dieu enf emble, repetez auec moy ces paroles ;
IESVS ayez piti6 de moy, & me faites aller au ciel.
Mais que ie fus raui d ouir cet innocent encore h la
mamelle, qui n auoit iamais parle auparauant,
repeter intelligiblement ces mots, IESVS ayez pitit de
moy, & acheuer le refte en beguayant du mieux qu il
pouuoit. Que cet enfant moribond me f embloit heu-
reux, quand ie lecomparois auec tant d autres enfans
nais dans la foie, dont les premieres paroles font
fouuent les blafphemes, & les mots infames qu ils
ont [181] ouy de la bouche de leurs parens ou de
leurs domeftiques!

Ceux qui ont veu dans les Relations des annees
pailees, qu elle eftoit la ferueur de la Congregation,
erige"e pour les Hurons de 1 Ifle-d Orleans, admiroient
ce fruidl de plulieurs anne"es de trauaux : mais per-
fonne n euft ofe efperer que le femblable fe peuft
faire en peu de temps parmi les Iroquois. Dieu a
commence d operer cette merueille, nous donnant
de la facilit6 a eftablir trois Congregations, entre
lefquelles nous voyons naiftre la faindte emulation
que nous y fouhaittions, les faifant des trois Nations
differentes, des Hurons, de la Nation neutre, & des
Iroquois. Ceux qui y ont efte admis qui font tous
des plus anciens & de probite connue, firent paroiftre

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656-57 41

yet utter. I observed him one day expressing a sort
of content with his eyes and his lips, while I exhorted
him to take the road to heaven, that he might follow
his mother thither. I easily became convinced that
there was something in him beyond the usual capacity
of his age; and that, as he could understand what
I said to him, he might also acknowledge and invoke
his Savior. Therefore, I said to him : Charles, let
us pray to God together; repeat these words with
me: " JESUS, have pity on me, and make me go to
heaven." But how delighted I was to hear that
innocent babe, still at the breast, who had never
spoken before, repeat intelligibly the words, JESUS,
have pity on me, and complete the remainder by lisp
ing it as well as he could ! How happy that dying
child seemed to me, when I compared him with so
many children born in silk, whose first utterances
are often blasphemies and infamous words, which
they have [181] heard from the mouths of their
parents or their servants !

Those who have seen in the Relations of the past
years what fervor existed in the Congregation estab
lished for the Hurons of the Island of Orleans,
admired that result of the labors of several years;
but no one could have ventured to hope that the
same could be done in a short time among the Iro-
quois. God began to work this marvel by enabling
us to establish three Congregations among three
different Nations, the Hurons, the neutral Nation,
and the Iroquois; and we observe in them the birth
of that holy emulation which we wished to obtain
when organizing them. Those who have been
admitted to it, who are all among the oldest and of
known probity, manifested their fervor on Palm

42 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [ VOL. 44

leur ferueur de"s le iour des Rameaux de I anne e
1657. qui fut celuy de leur premiere Aflemblee; fe
tronuant tous dans la Chapelle vne heure auant le
iour, & y recitant publiquement le Chapellet deuant
qu on commensaft la Meffe.

Enfin pour iuger des heureux progrez [182] de la
Foy dans la nouuelle Eglife d Onnontaghe", il ne faut
que fcauoir qu il n y a dans Onnontagh6 aucune
famille qui ne nous regoiue auec ioye, & ne fe plaife
a nous oiiir parler de nos myfteres : Qu aucun des
Anciens ne s oppofe ouuertement a la Foy. Qu il
n y . aucun efclaue pauure ou eftranger qui ne fe
f affe inftruire : Qu il y a fort peu d enfans dans le
bourg qui ne f9achent le Catechifme : Que les calom-
nies n ont pas empefche" que la plus part de ceux qui
font morts n ayent profite" de nos foins mourat dans
le Chriftianifme : Que dans vne grande mortalit6 qui
a efte" dans le pays depuis que nous y fommes, d vn
grand nombre d enfants qui en ont efte enleuez, il
n en eft mort que deux fans Baptefme: Que nous
auons le bon-heur d auoir mis dans le ciel, depuis que
nous fommes icy des Ames de plus de douze fortes
de Nations: Enfin qu il n y a point de cabane dont
on ne vienne tous les iours prier h la Chapelle, &
qu il n y a prefque perfonne qui n ait quelque
connoiffance des articles de noftre Foy, & quelque
difpoiition au Baptefme.

[183] Ces fruidts de 1 Euangile qui furpaflent tout
ce qu on en peut exprimer, n auroient peut-eftre pas
efte" moindres parmy les autres Nations Iroquoifes,
fi nous euffions pu nous tranfporter en mefme temps
en diuers lieux, ou fi nous euffions eu le fecours de
bons ouuriers Euangeliques que nous efperons.

1656-58J RELATION OF 1656-57 43

Sunday of the year 1657, which was the day of their
first Meeting ; they all assembled in the Chapel an
hour before daylight, and publicly recited the Rosary
before Mass began.

Finally, to judge of the successful progress [182]
of the Faith in the new Church at Onnontaghe", it is
sufficient to know that there is not a single family in
Onnontaghe" which does not welcome us with joy,
and is not pleased to hear us speak of our mysteries ;
that not one of the Elders openly opposes the Faith;
that there is not a poor slave or stranger who does
not receive instruction ; that there are very few chil
dren in the village who do not know the Catechism ;
that, in spite of calumnies, the majority of those who
departed this life were benefited by our care, and died
in the Christian faith ; that, while a great mortality has
prevailed in the country since we have been here, in
which very many children were carried off, two only
died without Baptism; that we have the happiness
of having sent to heaven since we have been here the
Souls of men, of more than twelve different Nations.
In fine, there is not a cabin without one or more
inmates who come every day to pray in the Chapel ;
and there is hardly a single person who has not some
knowledge of the articles of our Faith, and some
inclination toward Baptism.

[183] These fruits of the Gospel, which surpass all
that can be said of them, would perhaps not have
been less among the other Iroquois Nations, if we
had been able to transport ourselves at the same time
to various places, or if we had had the assistance of
the good Gospel laborers whom we hope for.

44 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [ VOL. 44

CHAPITRE XX.

DES NOUUELLES ESPERANCES DU PROGREZ DE LA FOY
DANS LES MISSIONS DE LA NOUUELLE-FRANCE

VNE recolte fi abondante faite en fi pen de temps,
par vn fi petit nombre d otmriers, fuffiroit pour
donner lieu d en efperer vne beaucoup plus
grande, les difpofitions de la Foy eftant deja dans les
efprits de tous ces peuples, & le nombre de ceux qui
y trauailleront deuant croiftre dans peu de temps,
ainfi que nous 1 efperons ; leur ayant de" ja prepare vn
Didtionnaire Iroquois pour leur rendre la langue plus
facile.

[184] II n y a rien qui gaigne & rauiffe dauantage
en admiration les Sauuages, que le zele, qui a fait
quitter a vn bon nombre de Fra^ois les commoditez
& les douceurs de la France, pour embrafler leurs
miferes, & s abandonner a leur merci. Le peu de
crainte que nous temoignons leur entendant dire :
c eft moy qui ay maffacre vne telle Robbe-noire, c eft
moy qui ay brufle cette autre, leur fait prendre vne
ide*e auantageufe des veritez que nous annongons, &
qui nous font ainfi m6prifer les dangers de la mort &
des fupplices.

II y a fort peu de nos Sauuages qui aillent & Kebec
qui n en reuiennent auec plus d eilime & d affedtion
pour nos myfteres, & auec vn defir de fe faire
inftruire, & d embraffer la Foy, experimentant & ce
qu ils difent des fentimens tout contraires quand ils

1656-58] RELATION OF 1656-57 45

CHAPTER XX.

OF THE FRESH HOPES FOR THE PROGRESS OF THE FAITH
IN THE MISSIONS OF NEW FRANCE.

SO abundant a harvest, gathered in so short a time
by so small a number of laborers, would suffice
to lead us to hope for a still more abundant
one, because the minds of all those peoples are already
disposed toward the Faith. Moreover, the number
of those who work there is shortly to be increased,
as we hope ; and we have already prepared for them an
Iroquois Dictionary, to facilitate their learning the
language.

[184] There is nothing that wins the Savages or
excites their admiration more than the zeal which
has caused a good many French to abandon the
conveniences and comforts of France, to undergo the
hardships of their own existence, and to abandon them
selves to their mercy. The little fear that we mani
fest when we hear them say, " It is I who killed such
a black Gown," "It is I who burned that other,"
gives them a favorable impression of the truths that
we preach and that cause us so to despise the dangers
of death and of torture.

Very few of our Savages come back from Kebec
without greater esteem and affection for our myste
ries, and without a desire to be instructed and to
embrace the Faith; they say that they experience
quite different feelings when they return from the
Dutch settlements. But, without going so far, the

46 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

reuiennent des habitations des Hollanders. Mais
fans aller fi loin : la piete qui regne ici parmi les
Frangois, qui nous y ont accompagne", a donne" de la
piete & de 1 inclination pour la Foy a plufieurs Iro
quois, qui nous 1 ont depuis auoiie: en forte [185]
qu vne bonne Chreftienne difoit il y a peu de temps:
quel contentement deuons-nous efperer dans le ciel
de la veue de Dieu & des Bien-heureux, puis que nous
reifentons tant de ioye, voyant la piete des Franois!

Noftre fituation au centre de ces Nations eft fort
aduantageufe pour la conuerflon des Sauuages, tant
a caufe des Minions qui fe peuuent facilement faire
de la dans les Prouinces voifmes, qu a caufe du grand
abord de paffans, qui rendent inceflamment ce lieu
fort peuple". Ceux qui n ont pas encore la hardieffe
de fe declarer Chreftiens chez eux, y viennent faire
leur apprentiffage des vertus & des deuoirs d vn
Chreftien, ils ne manquent pas de moyens pour
le bien faire; puis qu on y fait tous les iours le
Catechifme commun a tout le monde, les prieres, les
ceremonies de 1 Eglife, les Inflrudtions publiques;
& on y prefche les Feftes en Iroquois.

II y a de bons Hurons qui viennent en ce lieu de
trente & de quarante lieues loing pour fe renouueller,
& reprendre leur ancien efprit de ferueur, tant par
[186] les inftrudtions qu ils y re9oiuent, que par
1 exemple des Francois & des Iroquois conuertis. II
y en a mefme qui s y arreftent le plus long-temps
qu ils peuuent, pour auoir part a nos aumofnes fpiri-
tuelles & corporelles; du nombre defquels font de
pauures efclaues, dont la Foy a efte bien eprouu6e
par les miferes qu ils ont fouffertes; qui efperent
que la Iiberalit6 & la charite des Frangois fera affez

1656 -58J RELATION OF 1656-57 47

piety that prevails among the French who have
accompanied us hither has inspired devotion and
inclination toward the Faith in many Iroquois. They
have since admitted it to us; [185] and a good Chris
tian woman said recently: " What satisfaction must
we not hope to enjoy in heaven at the sight of God
and the Blessed, if we feel such joy in seeing the
piety of the French ! "

Our situation in the center of these Nations is a
most advantageous one with respect to the conver
sion of the Savages, both because the Missions
can easily be extended thence into the neighboring
Provinces, and because a great number of travelers
constantly make this place very populous. Those
who have not yet had the courage to declare them
selves Christians at their homes come here to serve
their apprenticeship in the virtues and duties of a
Christian. They are certain to find opportunities
for doing it properly ; Catechism is taught here every
day to all in common ; the prayers are recited ; the
ceremonies of the Church are solemnized; public
Instructions are given; and, on Feast-days, sermons
are preached in Iroquois.

There are good Hurons who come here from a
distance of thirty or forty leagues, to be regenerated
and to resume their former spirit of fervor, both
through [186] the instructions that they receive, and
through the examples of the French and of the
converted Iroquois. Some even remain as long as they
can, to share in our spiritual and material alms.
Among the latter are many poor slaves, whose Faith
has been sorely tried by the misery that they have
endured, and who hope that the liberality and charity
of the French will be strong enough to burst the

48 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

forte pour rompre les liens de leur efclauage. Nous
les afftftons le mieux qu il nous eft poffible, en atten
dant qu on leur procure ce bon heur; en forte qu a-
uec 1 entretien d vn bon nombre de Fran9ois, qui
nous ont accompagn6 dans ce pays, nous foulageons
la mifere de tous ces pauures mife rabies, tenant pour
ainfi dire table ouuerte aux Sauuages. Nous auons
tout fuiet de reconnoiftre que c eft la feule Iiberalit6
de Dieu, qui nous donne le moyen de faire paroiftre
la noftre, & attirer les Sauuages a la Foy par ces
aumofnes, puis que nous n auons apporte aucunes
fubfiftances dans ce pays, ou nous ne poffedons pas
encore vn poulce [187] de terre qui foit en eftat de
nous nourrir. Si nous pouuions nous habituer dans
le pays des Sonnontouaehronnons, qui nous en folli-
citent, & y vfer de la mefme liberalite, nous aurios
tout fuiet d efperer que tous les Sauuages, non feule-
ment de cette Nation, mais auffi de toutes les autres
contrees circonuoifines donneroient bien-toft les mains
aux veritez de 1 Euangile, la voyant publiee auec cet
e"clat. Nous irions par ce moyen eftablir la Croix de
IESVS-CHRIST en d autres pays au dela de ceux
des Iroquois, & parmy des Nations; qui femblent
nous tendre les bras, & nous inuiter a leur aller auffi
rompre & diftribuer le pain de vie.

Car nos Iroquois ont de"couuert au dela de la
Nation du Chat, d autres Nations nombreufes, qui
parlent la langue Algonquine. II y a plus de trente
bourgs qui n ont iamais eu connoiffance des Euro
peans, & qui ne fe feruent encore que de haches &
de coufteaux de pierre, & des autres chofes dont
vfoient les Sauuages auant leur commerce auec les
Fran9ois. Puis que [188] les Iroquois leur vont

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656 -57 49

bonds of their slavery. We assist them to the best
of our ability, until such time as we can procure them
that happiness. Thus, in addition to the mainte
nance of a large number of French who have accom
panied us to this country, we relieve the wants of all
these poor wretches, keeping, as it were, open
house for the Savages. We have every reason to
acknowledge that it is solely the liberality of God
which enables us to manifest our own, and to attract
the Savages to the Faith by those alms ; for we have
brought no means of subsistence with us to this coun
try, and do not yet possess an inch [187] of soil
therein capable of supporting us. If we could settle
in the land of the Sonnontouaehronnons, who urge
us to do so, and could display the same liberality,
we would have every reason to hope that all the
Savages, not only of that Nation but also of all the
surrounding countries, would soon submit to the
truths of the Gospel, when they should see it pub
lished with such 6clat. Thus, we would be enabled
to go and establish the Cross of JESUS CHRIST in
other countries beyond those of the Iroquois, and
among Nations who seem to hold out their arms to
us, and to invite us to go and break and distribute
the bread of life to them.

For our Iroquois have discovered, beyond the Cat
Nation, other and numerous Nations who speak the
Algonquin language. There are more than thirty
villages whose inhabitants have never had any
knowledge of Europeans; they still use only stone
hatchets and knives, and the other things that these
Savages used before they began to trade with the
French. Since [188] the Iroquois carry fire and war
thither, why should not we carry to them the fire

50

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 44

porter le feu & la guerre, pourquoy n irions nous pas
leur porter le feu & la paix que lESVS-CHRiSTa
apport6 au monde? Nous efperons le fecours necef-
faire pour ces entreprifes, pour lefquelles nous ferions
heureux de pouuoir refpandre noflre fang iufqu k la
derniere goutte, & vfer noftre vie iufqu au dernier
foupir. Nous auons lieu d efperer que la France ne
manquera pas de nous fournir les moyens d executer
ces deffeins, & de nous ayder a accomplir de fi
glorieufes expeditions ; puis qu on doit attendre d vn
Royaume tres-Chreftien, tout le zele poffible pour
1 accroiilement de la Foy & de la Chreftiente".

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656 -57 51

and the peace that JESUS CHRIST has brought into
the world? We hope for the assistance needed for
these undertakings, for which we would gladly shed
our blood to the last drop, and spend our lives to
the last breath. We have reason to hope that France
will not fail to supply us with the means necessary
for carrying out these designs, and to aid us in
accomplishing such glorious expeditions; for we
may expect, from a most Christian Kingdom, all
possible zeal for the spread of the Faith and of
Christianity.

52 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

[189] CHAPITRE XXI.

LETTRE ESCRITE AU R.P. LOUYS CELLOT PROUINCIAL

DE LA COMPAGNIE DE IESVS DE LA PROUINCE

DE FRANCE, PAR LE P. FRANgOIS LE

MERCIER DE LA MESME COMPAGNIE.

LA faindte curiofit6 du Ledteur aura beaucoup de
fatisfadlion voyant vne Lettre qui ne put eftre
imprime"e 1 annee paffee, parce qu elle fut
receue trop tard, auffi bien que les Memoires dont
les premiers Chapitres de cette Relation ont efte"
tirez. Le Pere qui eftoit alors fuperieur de ces
Millions efcriuit cette Lettre de Montreal, y paffant
pour aller aux pays des Iroquois.

MON R. P.
Pax Chrijli,

Apres auoir dreffe" tous nos voeux au Ciel pour im-
plorer fon ayde, nous auons recours k voftre R. pour
luy demander fa faindte benediction, auant que de
nous embarquer dans la plus dangereufe, [190] mais
auffi la plus glorieufe de toutes les entreprifes qu on
puiffe faire en ce pai s. Nous fommes fur les termes
de noftre depart pour aller ramaffer le refte du fang
du Fils de Dieu parmi des peuples, ou nous auons eu
le bon-heur de verfer le noftre ; & leur porter le flam
beau de la Foy ; quoy qu ils n ayent eu iufqu ^ prefent
autre deffein que de 1 efteindre : c eft pour nous aller
eltablir chez les Iroquois: ie crois tous dire en

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1636 -57 53

[189] CHAPTER XXI.

LETTER WRITTEN TO REVEREND FATHER LOUYS CEL-
LOT, PROVINCIAL OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN
THE PROVINCE OF FRANCE, BY FATHER FRAN-
LE MERCIER OF THE SAME SOCIETY.

THE Reader s pious curiosity will feel much satis
faction at seeing a Letter that could not be
printed last year, because it was received too
late, as also were the Memoirs from which the first
Chapters of this Relation have been compiled. The
Father, who was then superior of those Missions,
wrote this Letter from Montreal, through which he
passed on his way to the country of the Iroquois.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
Pax Christi.

After addressing all our vows to Heaven to implore
its aid, we have recourse to your Reverence to ask
your holy blessing, before embarking on the most
dangerous [190] and likewise the most glorious enter
prise that can be undertaken in this country. We
are on the eve of our departure to go and collect
what remains of the blood of the Son of God among
those peoples, where we have had the happiness of
shedding our own and of carrying the light of the
Faith to them, although their sole design hitherto
has been to extinguish it ; that is, we go to establish
ourselves among the Iroquois. I think that, in men
tioning those Barbarians, I say all that can be said ;

54 LES RELATIONS DES jS UITES [ VOL. 44

nommant ces Barbares, & leur notn feul monflre affez
le danger que nous courons, & la gloire qui reuient
a Dieu de 1 execution de ce deffein.

Nous n ignorons pas que ce font des Sauuages,
qui nous ont manges auec delices, & beu auec plaifir
le fang des Peres de noflre Compagnie, qu ils en ont
encore les mains & les leures teintes, & que les feux
dont ils ont roftis leurs membres, ne font pas tout a
fait efteins: nous n auons pas oublie" les embrafemens
qu ils ont allumez dans nos maifons, & la cruaute"
qu ils ont exerc6e fur nos corps, qui en portent
encore les marques: Nous f9auons que toute leur
[191] politique confifte a fgauoir bien tramer vne
trahif on, & en couurir tous les deffeins ; que les Nerons
& les Diocletians ne fe font pas tant declarez centre
les Chreftiens, que ces fanguinaires centre nous; que
la Foy feroit a prefent receue parmy plufieurs Nations
Infideles, s ils n eulfent pas furpaffe" en rage & en
fureur les plus grands perfecuteurs de IESVS-CHRIST :
Nous n auons encore pu fecher nos larmes, qui bai-
gnent nos yeux depuis fix ans, quand nous les iettons
fur 1 eftat floriffant, ou eftoit 1 Eglife Huronne auant
que ces Tyrans en euffent fappe les fondemens, fai-
fant des Martyrs de fes Pafteurs, & des Saints de la
plufpart de fes membres, & n en laiffant que des
reftes bien pitoyables, qui fe font refugiez foubs
1 aifle des Franjois, qui eft 1 vnique azile qui leur eft
refte" dans leur mal-heur: Nous voyons que depuis
ce premier debris ils ont toufiours auance leurs con-
queftes, & fe font rendus fi redoutables dans ce pai s,
que tout plie fous leurs armes: Ils ont encore la
force en main, & peut-eftre la trahifon au coeur, &
nos alliez [192] font affoiblis & diminuez de telle forte,

1656-58] RELATION OF 1656-57 55

for their name alone shows the risk which we run
and the glory which will accrue to God from the
execution of that design.

We are not ignorant of the fact that these Savages
have eaten us with relish and have drunk with pleas
ure the blood of the Fathers of our Society ; that
their hands and their lips are still wet with it, and
that the fires in which they roasted their limbs are
not yet quite extinguished. We have not forgotten
the conflagrations that they have kindled to consume
our houses, and the cruelty that they have practiced
on our bodies, which still bear its marks. We know
that their whole [191] policy consists in knowing
well how to plot treachery, and to conceal all their
plans for it ; that no Nero or Diocletian ever declared
himself so strongly against the Christians as these
bloodthirsty Savages have done against us ; and that
the Faith would at the present moment be received
among many Infidel Nations, had they not surpassed
in rage and fury the greatest persecutors of JESUS
CHRIST. We have not yet been able to dry the tears
in which, for six years, our eyes have been bathed
when we cast them upon the flourishing condition
of the Huron Church before those Oppressors had
sapped its foundations, making Martyrs of its Pas
tors, and Saints of most of its members ; and leaving
but a very pitiful remnant, who have sought refuge
under the wing of the French, the only asylum left
them in their misfortune. We see that, ever since
that first havoc, they have always pushed on their
conquests, and have made themselves so redoubtable
in this country that everything gives way before their
arms. They still have strength in their hands, and
perhaps treachery in their hearts; and our allies

56

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

peine en refte-t il affez pour conferuer les noms
de quantit6 de nations tres nombreufes, & tres confi-
derables. Nonobftant tout cela, nous croyons eftre
tellement conuaincus de la volonte de Dieu, qui a
fait autre-fois fes plus illuftres Apoftres, de fes plus
grands perfecuteurs, que nous ne doutons point qu il
n ouure a prefent la porte a fes Predicateurs, pour
aller planter la foy iufques das le fein de fes enne-
mis, triompher de leur barbarie, & changer ces Loups,
& ces Tygres, en Agneaux, pour prendre leur place
dans le bercail delESVS-CHRiST.

Ce n eft pas fans fondement que nous congeuons
de fi belles efperances, les traits de la prouidence
Diuine, & les refforts de fa conduite, qui a fgeu fi bien
conduire les affaires iufqu au point ou elles font,
nous font auoiier qu on ne peut fans vne extreme
lachete, manquer aux attentes que Dieu nous fait
naiftre du cofte" que nous penfions le moins. Si nous
n auions pas remarque" le doit diuin, dans le com
mencement, [193] & dans la fuite de cette entre-
prif e, noftre zele nous feroit fufpedt, & nous pourrions
craindre d agir auec plus de ferueur que de prudence,
puis que toutes les apparences humaines femblent
combattre noftre refolution. Mais Dieu opere fi
manifeftement dans toute cette affaire, qu on ne peut
douter qu elle ne foit vn ouurage de fa main, dont
V execution & la gloire luy appartient vniquement.
Car quelle puiffance autre que la fienne auroit oblige"
ces peuples enflez de leurs vidtoires, non feulement
de nous venir rechercher d vne paix dont ils fern-
bloient n auoir aucun befoin, mais auffi de fe mettre
fans armes entre nos mains, & de fe letter k nos
genoux pour nous coniurer de les agreer pour nos

1656-58] RELATION OF 1656-57 57

[192] are so weakened and so reduced in numbers,
that barely enough remain to preserve the names of
many very populous and very important nations.
Notwithstanding all that, we consider ourselves so
convinced of the will of God who, of old, turned
his greatest persecutors into his most illustrious
Apostles that we have no doubt that, at the present
time, he opens the door to his Preachers, that they
might go and plant the faith in the very heart of
his enemies, triumph over their barbarity, change
those Wolves and Tigers into Lambs, and bring
them into the fold of JESUS CHRIST.

It is not without reason that we conceive such
bright hopes. The manifestations of Divine provi
dence and the means employed by its guidance, which
has so well directed matters to the point at which
they have now arrived, compel us to admit that we
cannot, without extreme cowardice, disappoint the
expectations that God has caused to arise for us
where we least expected them. Had we not observed
the finger of God at the outset [193] and in the course
of this undertaking, we would have mistrusted our
own zeal, and have feared that we were acting with
more fervor than prudence; for all human appear
ances seem to contend against our resolution. But
God acts so manifestly, in the whole of this matter,
that no one can doubt that it is a work of his hand,
the execution and the glory whereof belong solely
to him. For what power other than his could force
these peoples, inflated with pride on account of
their victories, not only to come and seek a peace
with us of which they seemed to have no need, but
also to place themselves unarmed in our hands, and
throw themselves at our feet, begging us to accept

58 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 44

amis, lots que nous eftions fi foibles que nous ne
pouuions plus les auoir pour ennemis? II ne tenoit
qu eux de continuer a maffacrer le refte de la Colo-
nie Franoife, netrouuant pref que point derefi fiance,
ny du coft6 des Francois, ny du cofl6 des Sauuages
nos Confederez, & neantmoins depuis plus de trois
ans, Us nous [194] enuoyent fans ceffe des pref ens &
des ambalfades pour entrer dans nos efprits & nous
folliciter a la paix. Les anciens & les ieunes, 1
femmes & les enfans fe mettent a noftre difcretion:
ils entrent dans nos forts, agiffent confidemment
auec nous, & n Spargnent rien pour nous ouurir leur
coeur, & nous y faire lire que toutes les pourfuites
qu ils font, font autant fmceres que preffantes.

Ils ne fe contentent pas de venir chez nous; mais
ils nous inuitent depuis long temps d aller chez eux,
& nous font offre de la plus belle terre qu ils ayent,
& qui foit en ce Nouueau monde. Ce n efl ny la
neceffite- de la traitte, ny 1 efperance de noftre pro-
tedtion qui les oblige a tout cela, puis qu ils ont eu
iufqu a prefent, & ont encore du cofte des Hollandois
1 vn & 1 autre bien plus auantageufement qu ils ne le
peuuent efperer des Francois; mais c eft vn coup de
Dieu, qui fans doute a preftS 1 oreille au fang des
Martyrs, qui eftant la femence des Chreftiens, en
fait germer maintenant fur ces terres, qui en font
arrofees. Car outre que ces plus grands ennemis^de
la [ I95 ] Foy ont fait des prefens pour declarer qu ils
vouloient 1 embraffer, outre qu ils ont demand^ des
Predicateurs pour eftre inftruits, & qu ils ont fait
profeffion publique en plein Confeil d eftre Croyans;
les Peres de noftre Compagnie qui ont paff e cet hyuer
chez eux, ont remarqu6 tant de belles difpofitions

1 656 - 58] RELA TION OF i6j6 -57 59

them as our friends, when we were so weak that we
could no longer withstand them as enemies? They
had but to continue, to massacre the remainder of the
French Colony, for they met with hardly any resist
ance either from the French or from the Savages,
our Confederates ; and, nevertheless, for over three
years, they [194] incessantly sent presents and em
bassies to ingratiate themselves with us, and to solicit
us to make peace. Old and young, women and chil
dren, place themselves at our mercy; they enter our
forts; they act confidently with us, and spare no
effort to open their hearts to us, and to make us read
therein that all their solicitations are as sincere as
they are pressing.

They are not content with coming to us, but for a
long time they invite us to go to them, and offer us
the finest land that they have, and that is to be found
in this New world. Neither the necessities of trade
nor the hopes of our protection induce them to do
all that; for they have hitherto had and still enjoy
both those things with the Dutch, much more advan
tageously than they can ever hope to do with the
French. But it is the act of God ; he has, doubtless,
lent an ear to the blood of the Martyrs, which is the
seed of Christians, and which now causes them to
spring up in this land that was watered by it. For,
not only have those greatest enemies of the [195]
Faith given presents to declare that they wish to
embrace it; not only have they asked for Preachers
to instruct them, and publicly professed in open
Council that they were Believers; but the Fathers
of our Society who have passed the last winter with
them have also observed so many good dispositions
for the planting of a new Church among them, not

60 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

pour y planter vne nouuelle Eglife, non feulement
par les chofes miraculeufes qui s y font paffees,
comme Voftre R. verra dans le Journal, mais auffi
par les premices nSbreufes qui en ont efte d6ja
confacre es au ciel, que c eft auec toute affeurance
que nous partons pour aller faire retemr le nom de
IESVS-CHRIST dans ces terres, ou le Diable a toufiours
eft6 le maiftre depuis le commencement du monde.
Si ces peuples font tant les empreffez pour nous
auoir en leur pays, nous n auons pas moins de paffion
de quitter le noftre pour aller chez eux; & c eft vne
autre marque de la volonte de Dieu, qui difpofe
toutes chofes fi & propos, que ie me vois egalement
& agreablement importune de deux coftez bien
differents; d vne part des Iroquois qui preflent; de
1 autre [196] de nos Peres & Freres qui font inftance
pour eftre de la partie. Le defir des premiers & le
zele des autres m oblige & les contenter tous, & quoy
que ceux-lk n ayet iufqu k prefent fait paroiftre que
de la cruaute, ceux-cy n ont pour eux que de la ten-
dreffe qui leur fait me"prifer leur vie, & la prodiguer
genereufement pour le falut de ceux qui ont fi fou-
uent tafche de leur donner la mort. Ie ne doute pas
que Dieu qui gouuerne luy mefme fon ouurage &
infpire cet efprit de ferueur aux Peres de noftre
Compagnie qui font en ces contre es, ne le faffe aufil
en nos Maifons de France, & n en porte plufieurs a
venir prendre part a de fi belles Conqueftes, quoy
qu auec des trauaux incroyables, & de tres grands
dangers, ou pluftoft de belles efperances de mourir
dans le lict d honneur. Ie m imagine bien qu on fe
iette aux pieds de Voftre R. comme ie vois qu on
embraffe icy les miens pour obtenir la plus grande

1656 - 58] RELA TION O F 1656 -57 61

only from the miraculous things that have happened
there, as Your Reverence will see in the Journal,
but also from the numerous first-fruits already con
secrated to heaven, that we depart, with all confi
dence, to cause the name of JESUS CHRIST to resound
in those lands where the Devil has always been
master from the beginning of the world.

If those peoples are so anxious to have us in their
country, we feel no less eagerness to leave ours, and
to go among them. And this is another proof of the
will of God, who disposes all things so opportunely
that I find myself equally and agreeably importuned
from two very different directions, on one side, by
the Iroquois, who urge us; on the other, [196] by our
Fathers and Brethren, who eagerly ask to be allowed
to join the party. The desire of the former and the
zeal of the latter compel me to satisfy them all ; and,
although the former have hitherto manifested noth
ing but cruelty, the latter feel only an affection for
them, which makes them hold life cheap, and lavish
it generously, for the salvation of those who have so
often sought to put them to death. I have no doubt
that God who himself governs his work, and who
inspires that fervor in the Fathers of our Society
who are in these countries will do likewise in our
Houses in France; and will induce many to come
and have a share in Conquests so brilliant, although
accompanied by incredible labors and very great
dangers, or, rather, by lofty hopes of dying on the
field of battle. I can readily imagine that they will
cast themselves at the feet of Your Reverence, as I
see them here embracing mine, in order to obtain
the greatest favor that a member of the society of
JESUS can expect to obtain; for he can never hope

62

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

grace que puiffe efperer vn veritable membre de la
compagnie de IESVS, qui n aura iamais plus d hon-
neur que de fe confommer, pour porter dans la
barbaric le nom de fon chef & le [197] faire adorer
par des Iroquois.

C eft encore vn trait de la prouidence diuine de
nous donner maintenant bon nombre de nos Peres
qui n ont pas feulement le courage de s expofer &
tout mais auffi la capacite d inftruire ces Barbares
dont la langue auffi bien que de plufieurs autres
Nations plus eloignees n eft pas beaucoup differente
de celle des Hurons: & c eft ce qui r anime leur
ferueur & donne le courage k des vieillards caffez de
glorieux trauaux, de vouloir aller parmi ces peuples
vfer le refte de leurs iours auec le mefme zele qu ils
faifoient paroiftre il y a quinze ou vingt ans, quand
ils trauailloient dans les Miffions Huronnes. II n eft
pas iufqu k ceux de dehors qui ne reffentent en eux
des etincelles de cette ardeur, & qui ne s offrent a
mettre la main k vn fi bel ouurage : & qui voudroit
les croire, ou la Nouuelle France feroit prefque toute
Iroquoife, ou nous n aurions plus de Fran ois que
parmy les Iroquois: tant eft grand le preiuge" qu on
a de la fmceritS de ces peuples, qui fait qu apres
auoir bien implor6 1 affiftance du S. Efprit, & delibere
fur toutes les circonftances [198] de cette paix, il n y
a perfonne qui puifCe raifonnablement douter que ce
ne foit tout de bon qu ils font tant d inftance pour

1 obtenir.

II eft vray que la pierre d achoppement qui pouroit
arrefter noftre deffein, nous vient de la part des
Iroquois d en-bas nommez Anniengehronnons, chez
qui nous n allons pas nous habituer, & qui peuuent

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656 -57 63

for a greater honor than that of sacrificing himself to
carry into barbarism the name of his leader, and
[197] to cause him to be adored by the Iroquois.

Divine providence also manifests itself by giving
us at this moment a goodly number of our Fathers,
who not only have the courage to expose themselves
to everything, but also possess the capacity of teach
ing those Barbarians, whose language, as well as
that of many other Nations still more remote, is not
very different from that of the Hurons. It is this
that revives their fervor and gives to old men, brok
en down after glorious labors, the courage to desire
to go among those peoples, and to spend the remain
der of their lives, with the same zeal that they
manifested fifteen or twenty years ago when they
labored in the Huron Missions. Even those who do
not belong to our body feel in their hearts some
sparks of the same ardor, and offer to lend a hand
to so grand a work. Were one to believe them,
either New France would be almost entirely Iroquois,
or we would no longer have any French except among
the Iroquois, so greatly are they convinced of the
sincerity of those nations. That is why, after having
well implored the assistance of the Holy Ghost and
deliberated upon all the circumstances [198] of that
peace, there is not a single person who can reason
ably doubt that they are earnest in so persistently
seeking to obtain it.

It is true that the stumbling-block which might
hinder our design lies with the lower Iroquois, called
Anniengehronnons, 3 with whom we do not go to
dwell. They may presume that, if we unite our
selves so closely with the four Upper Nations, it will
be to place ourselves in a position to fear them no

64 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

prefumer que fi nous nous lions fi eftroitement auec
les quatre Nations Superieures, ce fera pour nous
mettre en eftat de ne les plus craindre : mais quand
ils s oppoferoient a noftre eftabliffement nous aimons
bien mieux les auoir feuls pour ennemis que les
quatre Nations enfemble, qui feroient irritees par le
refus que nous leur ferions de noftre amitie, & nous
feroient reffentir de funeftes effets du depit qu ils
auroient de fe voir decheus de leurs iuftes preten-
fions, & trompez fi manifeftement apres de fi folem-
nelles promeffes tant de fois reiterees icy & chez eux,
d aller nous eftablir en leur pays: En forte qu vn
refus ou vn delay feroit fuiuy de la ruine totale de
cette nouuelle France, laquelle ayant efte" reduite
aux abois [199] par vne feule Nation, ne pourroit
long-temps fouftenir 1 effort des cinq enfemble, ft
elles confpiroient centre elle. Le bien de la paix
que nous commen9ons a goufter eft fi doux & fi
neceffaire pour la publication de la Foy, que quand
il y auroit beaucoup de danger, nous nous immole-
rions volontiers comme des vidtimes publiques pour
coniurer 1 orage qui fondroit infailliblement fur nos
Frangois, & pour detourner les miferes qui accom-
pagneroient vne guerre plus dangereufe que celles
d auparauant. Mais quand nous n aurions pas toutes
les affeurances morales que Dieu a touche les cceurs
des Iroquois, nous nous croirions f uffifamment obligez
a d expofer iufques a la derniere goutte de nos fueurs
& de noftre fang, voyant qu en peu de temps qu on
a efte chez eux, on en a defia mis quantite dans le
ciel & dans 1 Eglife; qu on y a prefche 1 Euangile a
cinq ou fix peuples differents qui s y trouuent; que
plufieurs fgauent deja les principaux myfteres de

1656-58] RELATION OF 1636-57 65

longer. But, even if they should oppose our estab
lishment, we far prefer to have them alone for
enemies than the four Nations together ; these would
become irritated if we refused them our friendship,
and seeing themselves disappointed in their just
expectations, and so manifestly deceived after such
solemn promises, so frequently reiterated both here
and in their country, to go and settle in their land
they would make us experience the baleful effects of
that vexation. Thus, a refusal or delay would be
followed by the total ruin of this new France, which,
after being reduced to extremities [199] by a single
Nation, could not long withstand the efforts of the
five together, if they conspired against her. The
blessing of peace, which we are beginning to enjoy,
is so sweet and so necessary for the publication of
the Faith that, even if there were great danger, we
would willingly immolate ourselves, as public vic
tims, to avert the storm which would inevitably
burst upon our French, and to ward off the misfor
tunes which would accompany a war more dangerous
than those that preceded it. But, even if we had not
all those moral assurances that God has touched the
hearts of the Iroquois, we should consider ourselves
sufficiently compelled to devote our sweat and our
blood to the last drop. For we see that, during the
short time while we have been with them, we have
already placed a number of them in heaven and in
the Church; that we have preached the Gospel to
five or six different nations who are there ; that many
already know the principal mysteries of our Religion ;
that their great complaint is that we cannot be every
where to teach them ; and, finally, that it is not to
them alone [200] that the Faith will be preached,

66 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 44

noftre Religion ; que leur grande plainte eft qu on
ne pent eftre par tout pour les enfeigner; & enfin
que ce n eft pas feulement [200] a eux que la Foy fe
va publier, mais qu ils font 1 entree & comme le
paffage pour aller porter la Foy a quantit6 d autres
Nations qui n ont iamais eu la connoiffance de
IESVS-CHRIST, nyde f es Apoftres.

Voila 1 eftat des affaires & les effets de tant de
prieres, de mortifications, de ieunes, d aumofnes &
de bonnes oeuures qui fe font dans les deux Frances,
& qui ont fait eclore vn fi beau deff ein : mais 1 entre-
prife en eftant epineufe & 1 execution tres- difficile,
nous coniurons ces faintes Ames de continuer leur
ferueur, afin que Dieu continue fes benedictions fur
ce pays. Et pour mon particulier ie prie Voftre R.
& tous nos Peres & Freres de fa Prouince de leuer
les mains au ciel, pendant que nous allons declarer
la guerre h 1 Infidelite & liurer le combat au Diable
iufque dans le coeur de fes terres. Ie fuis auec tout
le refpedt & la foumiffion poffible
De Voftre R.

Le tres humble & tres-obeyftant

ferui[f]eur en N. S

A Mon\f\real ce FRANCOIS LE MERCIER

6. Inin 1656. de la Compagnie de lefus.

1656-58]

RELA TION OF 1656-37 67

but that they are the entrance and, as it were, the
passage through which the Faith will be taken to
many other Nations who have never had any knowl
edge of J E s u s C H R i s T or of his Apostles.

Such is the state of affairs; and such are the effects
of so many prayers, mortifications, fasts, alms, and
good works, which have been performed in both
Frances, and have caused so great a design to be
conceived. But, as the undertaking is arduous and
difficult of execution, we beg those pious Souls to
continue their fervor, so that God may continue to
pour his blessings on this country. And, for my
part, I beg Your Reverence and all our Fathers and
Brethren of your Province to lift your hands to
heaven, while we go to declare war against Infidelity,
and to fight the Devil in the very heart of his coun
try. I am, with all possible respect and submission,
Your Reverence s

Very humble and very obedient

servant in Our Lord,

From Montreal this FRANCOIS LE MERCIER,
6th of June, 1656. of the Society of Jesus.

68

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

[201] CHAPITRE XXII.

DERNIERES NOUUELLES DE CE QUI S EST PASSE EN LA

NOUUELLE FRANCE.

IE ne ptiis differer de faire part de noftre ioye au
Ledteur, luy apprenant V heureufe nouuelle que
nous auons receue par le vaiffeau arriue le der
nier, lors qu on trauailloit a 1 impreffion du dernier
cahier de cette Relation. C eft la conuerfion de plus
de quatre cens Barbares, pour laquelle Dieu s eft
ferui du zele du P. Menard Religieux tres-feruent de
noftre Compagnie. Mais comme il n eft point de ioye
fans meflange: nous auons receu par la mefme voie
vne Lettre qui ne nous donne pas peu d affliction,
nous apprenant la perfidie des Sonnontoueronnons,
ainfi que vous verrez lifant auec douleur cette mefme
Lettre, dont ie n ay pas creu deuoir differer 1 im-
preffion a 1 annee prochaine.

[202] Du chemin de Kebec a Onontaghe
ce 9. d Aoujl 1657.

Pax Chrijii,

Ie puis dire auec verite, propter verba labiorum tuo-
rum ego cuftodiui mas duras. Depuis noftre depart de
Montreal le 26. luillet, en compagnie de quinze ou
feize Sonnontoerronons, de trente Onnontagheronons,
& d enuiron cinquate Chreftiens Hurons tant hommes
que femmes & enfans; Le chemin d Onontaghe a

1656-58] RELA TION OF 1636-37 69

[201] CHAPTER XXII.

LATEST NEWS OF WHAT HAS OCCURRED IN NEW

FRANCE.

I CANNOT refrain from sharing our joy with the
Reader, by telling him the happy news that
we have received by the latest ship, while the
last sheet of this Relation was being printed. It
is the conversion of more than four hundred Bar
barians, for which God has made use of the zeal of
Father Menard, a very fervent Religious of our Socie
ty. But, as there is no bliss without alloy, we have
received by the same ship a Letter which causes us
no slight affliction; for it informs us of the treach
ery of the Sonnontoueronnons, as you will see with
sorrow by reading this same Letter the printing
of which I did not deem expedient to defer to next
year.

[202] On the road from Kebec to Onontaghe ,
this gth of August, 1657.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
Pax Christi,

I can truly say, Propter verba labiorum tuorum ego
custodivi vias duras. Since our departure from Mont
real on the 26th of July, in company with fifteen or
sixteen Sonnontoerronons, thirty Onnontaghero-
nons, and about fifty Christian Hurons, men,
women, and children, the road to Onontaghe has

70

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [\ T OL. 44

efte" feme de croix bien fafcheufes pour nous: mais
1 obeyffance m y ayant engage, i ay e"prouue" que
IESVS-CHRIST eft en la Croix, & qu il la rend
aymable a ceux qui la veulent rechercher. le con-
eus que ie deuois auoir beaucoup de peines en ce
voyage par le peu d affection que ie remarquay
d abord en nos Onontagheronnons pour 1 embarque-
ment tant de nos Francois que des pacquets, dont
nous fufmes obligez de quitter la plus grande partie
cinq lieues au deffus de Montreal. I eus de la
peine & trouuer qui vouluft [203] m embarquer moy-
mefme, & ie me vis contraint de me ietter dans vn
dernier canot abandonne fur le riuage, auec noftre
Frere Louis le Boefme, deux Fra^ois & deux
Sauuages, qu il me fut difficile de gaigner: Pour
toutes prouifions ie ne pris qu vn petit fac de farine.
Chaque iour i ay eu de nouuelles difficultez, voyant
ou quelques-vns de nos Fra^ois degradez en chemin,
ou des pacquets laiffez: a quoy il falloit que ie pour-
ueuffe; & n euft efte" nos bons Chreftiens Hurons,
qui eftoient mon refuge, ie ne trouuois par tout que
des froideurs. Nous craignions la rencontre de cent
Agnierronons, qu on difoit nous attendre a I entr6e
du grand Lac des Iroquois, pour fe rendre les Maiflres
de nos Chreftiens Hurons, & les faire captifs. Ie les
auois difpofez a tout ce qui pouuoit arriuer de ce
coft6-la: tous s efloient confeffez, & leur coeur y
eftoit prepare". Les voyes de Dieu font adorables,
quoy qu elles nous foient inconnues. Le malheur de
nos Hurons eft arriue de la part de nos Onontagher-
ronons mefmes, aufquels ils s eftoient [204] confiez,
& qui leur auoient promis vne fidelite" fi inuiolable par
tant de pourparlers de paix, tant d ambaffades de
part & d autre, & par tant de prefents fi folemnels.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF j6j6 -57 71

been sown with crosses that have been very grievous
for us. But, as obedience had led me to enter upon
it, I found that JESUS CHRIST is on the Cross, and
that he makes it agreeable to those who choose to
seek it. I foresaw that we were to have a great deal
of trouble on that journey, from the reluctance that
I remarked, at the outset, on the part of our Ononta-
gheronnons respecting the embarkation both of our
French and of the packages, the greater portion of
which we were compelled to abandon five leagues
above Montreal. I had difficulty in finding some
one who would [203] take me on board; and I was
compelled to embark in a last canoe, abandoned on
the beach, with our Brother Louis le Boesme, two
Frenchmen, and two Savages, whom I found it
difficult to win over. For all my provisions, I took
but a small sack of flour. Every day I experienced
fresh difficulties ; I found either some of our French
stranded on the way, or packages left behind. I
had to attend to all this, and, except among our good
Christian Hurons, who were my refuge, I met with
nothing but a cold reception everywhere. We were
afraid of encountering a hundred Agnierronons,
who were said to be waiting for us at the entrance
to the great Lake of the Iroquois, to make themselves
Masters of our Christian Hurons, and to take them
captive. I had prepared them for everything that
could happen to them on that score; all had con
fessed, and their hearts were ready. The ways of
God are adorable, although they are hidden from us.
The misfortune that befell our Hurons came from
the very Onontagherronons to whom they had [204]
confided themselves, and who had promised them
such inviolable fidelity in so many parleys for peace,

72 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Le troifieme iour de ce mois fur les quatre a cinq
heures du foir, nos canots eftant arriuez a vne Ifle ou
nous deuions nous arrefter, vn Capitaine qui venoit
dans le dernier canot, commena le premier Adte de
cette Tragedie, fendant d vn coup de hache le der-
riere de la tefte a vne Huronne, parce qu elle auoit
refufe" conftamment de confentir a fon impudicite,
en ayant efte follicitee pendant quatre iours. La
nouuelle en eftant venue ou nous eftions, les Onnon-
tagheronnons fe mirent fous les armes, comme s ils
euffent eu volonte de fe battre contre les Sonnontou-
erronons, pour vanger cet affaflinat. Ce Capitaine
lafcif des Onnontagheronons fait ranger les Hurons
au milieu de fes gens, hommes, femmes & enfants,
allant de part & d autre, comme pour appaifer les
efprits. Fallois & ie venois auffi tantoft aux vns,
tantoft aux autres; ayant [205] aduerti nos Fra^ois
de ne point s engager en toute cette affaire ; mais de
demeurer paifibles. Ce Capitaine & moy nous auions
des defleins bien differents: ie tafchois de calmer
1 orage, & ce mal-heureux 1 excitoit, & y difpofoit
malicieufement toutes chofes, iufqu a ce qu enfin le
foudre qui auoit caufe" ce tonnerre, fortit de la nue
ou il eftoit cache, & tomba fur ces pauures vidlimes
innocentes qu on maffacra a la veue des femmes &
des enfants: il y eut fept Chreftiens affommez a
coups de haches & de coufteaux : les femmes & les
enfants furent faits captifs, & on les defpoiiilla de
tout leur butin, des Robes de caftor, peaux d Orignac
Matachiees, colliers de Pourcelaine, & des aumofnes
qu on leur auoit fait a Kebec: Mes yeux furent
contraints de voir ce fpecftacle d horreur, &mon cceur
en eftoit tranfperc6. Ce fut alors que ie vis combien
la Foy a de fortes confolations au milieu des douleurs

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1656-57 73

in so many embassies from both sides, and by so
many and such, solemn presents.

On the third day of this month, between four and
five o clock in the evening, our canoes reached an
Island where we were to stop. A Captain who was
in the last canoe began the first Act of that Tragedy,
by splitting from behind, with his hatchet, the head of
a Huron woman, because she had persistently refused
to consent to his lewdness after having been solicited
to it for four days. When the news reached the
spot where we were, the Onnontagheronnons stood
to their arms, as if they intended to fight the Son-
nontouerronons and avenge that murder. That
lascivious Captain of the Onnontagheronons ranged
the Hurons men, women, and children amid his
people, going from one side to the other as if to calm
their minds. I also came and went, now to one
party, now to the other, after [205] warning our
French not to interfere in the matter, but to remain
quiet. That Captain and I had very different de
signs; I endeavored to allay the storm, while that
wretch excited it, and maliciously disposed everything
for it. But finally the lightning that had caused the
thunder shot forth from the cloud in which it lay
hidden, and fell on those poor innocent victims, who
were massacred before the eyes of the women and
children. Seven Christians were killed with hatchets
and knives; the women and children were made
captives, and were despoiled of all their goods, their
beaver Robes, their Ornamented Moose-skins, their
collars of Porcelain beads, and the presents that had
been given them at Kebec. My eyes were compelled
to gaze on this spectacle of horror, and my heart was
pierced by it. Then I saw what consolation Faith

71 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

les phis ameres. II n y eut aucunes de ces pauures
c.i pi in os qui ne receuft auec amour les aduis que ie
leur donnois, les faifant refouuenir [206] que Dieu
n uuoit pas promis aux Chreftiens les ioyes pour cette
vie, mais pour reternite", & que fouffrans en patience
les miferes fur terre, nous ferons heureux dans le
ciel. Elles offroient a Dieu leurs peines & leurs
craintes, le beniffant de ce qu on ne pouuoit pas leur
ofter la Foy, ny 1 efperance qu elles auoient de mou-
rir. La nuidl eftant venue i affemblay en vn Confeil
public les Onnontagheronnons & les Sonnontoiier-
ronnons pour leur parler fur ce qui eftoit arriue" : ie
leur declaray hautement que les coups qui eftoient
tombez fur la tefte de nos Hurons, auoient fendu mon
coeur, & que ie ne pouuois retenir mes larmes dans
vn tel obiet de pitie; qu vn pere & vne mere ne
pouuoient voir leurs enfans maffacrez, & reduits en
captiuit6, fans f ouffrir dans leurs fouffrances ; que ie
voulois bien qu ils fceuffent que i auois vn cceur
de Pere & des tendrefles de mere pour ces pauures
Chreftiens Hurons, que ie conduifois depuis vingt
ans, qui auoient de 1 amour pour moy, & pour lefquels
ie conf eruerois vne amitie inuiolable iufqu a la mort.-
[207] Oiiy, leur difois-ie, tuez-moy, bruflez-moy, &
qu ils viuent, fi par ma mort ie les puis reffufciter:
mais puis que ces fouhaits ne peuuent pas auoir
d effect, i ay trois paroles a vous porter.

La premiere, que vous arreftie"s votre fureur &
voftre hache, & que vous ne continuie"s pas voftre
cruaute" fur ceux qui font refte"s. C eit defia trop de
fang innocent refpadu; Dieu qui 1 a veu, en tirera
vengance, fi vous 1 irrites dauantage.

La deuxiome, afin que vous traitiez fauorablement
ces pauures femmes & ces enfants captifs, ne les

1656-58] RELATION OF 1656-57 75

gives, in the midst of the bitterest sorrows. There
was not one of those poor captive women who did
not receive with affection the advice that I gave
them, reminding them [206] that God had not
promised to Christians joy in this life, but in eter
nity; and that, by patiently enduring unhappiness
on earth, we shall be happy in heaven. They offered
their sorrows and fears to God, blessing him because
neither their Faith nor their hope in death could be
taken from them. When night came, I assembled
the Onnontagheronnons and the Sonnontouerronnons
in a public Council, to speak to them about what had
happened. I told them openly that the blows that
had fallen on the heads of the Hurons had rent my
heart, and that I could not restrain my tears at so
pitiful a sight ; that a father and a mother could not
see their children massacred and reduced to slavery
without sharing their sufferings. I added that I
wished them distinctly to know that I had the heart of
a Father and the tenderness of a mother for those poor
Christian Hurons, whom I had had under my charge
for twenty years, who loved me, and for whom I
retained a friendship that could be severed by death
alone. [207] " Yes," I said to them, " kill me, burn
me, and let them live, if by my death I can bring
them back to life. But, since such wishes are vain,
I have three words to carry to you :

1 The first is, that you stay your fury and your
hatchets, and that you do not continue to vent your
cruelty on those who remain. Already too much
innocent blood has been shed. God, who has wit
nessed it, will take vengeance for it if you irritate
him any more.

The second, that you treat kindly those poor

76 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

confiderant plus comme vne nation differente de la
voftre, mais comme vn mefme peuple auec vous.

La troifieme, afin que nous continuions noftre
voyage, comme fi rien n efloit arriue. I emploiay
pour cela fix milles grains de Porcelaine. Us me
firent refponfe qu ils y auroient efgard.

Mais ce Capitaine mal-lieureux & perfide eut bien
le front de me dire publiquement, que Monfieur le
Gouuerneur, le P. Mercier & le P. Chaumonot leur
auoient donne commimon de faire ce coup de cru-
aute : ie luy repartis hautement, [208] que cela eftoit
faux, & que ces trahifons eftoient eloignees de noftre
efprit, autant que le ciel de la terre: fur quoy il
n eut point de replique, finon que ie ne fgauois pas
tout ce qu il fgauoit.

On nous auoit donne fecretement aduis que cette
nuidt la mefme, on deuoit acheuer fur nous le der
nier adte de la tragedie : toutes chofes y fembloient
difpof 6es, & nous y eftions prepares : mais il a pleu
a Dieu fe contenter iufqu a prefent, de noftre volon-
t6; ce fera quand il luy plaira: mais nous voyons de
tous coftes des tempeftes qui fe preparent, & des
orages qui femblent ne deuoir fondre que fur nous.
Trop heureux que nos vies foient confomme es au
feruice de Dieu, & que nous mourions pour fa gloire:
car a la vie & a la mort, nous fommes tous a luy.

Ie recommande aux prieres de tous nos bons amis
cette Eglife captiue, & cette Eglife fouffrante, auec
les Pafteurs & le troupeau.
M. R. P.
DeV. R.

Le tres-humble & obeyilant

feruiteur en N. S.
Paul Ragueneau de la Comp, de IESVS.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1636 -57 77

captive women and children, and consider them not
as a nation different from yours, but as being the
same people with you.

" The third, that we continue our journey as if
nothing had happened." I used for this six thou
sand Porcelain beads. They replied that they would
pay heed to what I said.

But that wretched and treacherous Captain had
the effrontery to tell me publicly that Monsieur the
Governor, Father Mercier, and Father Chaumonot
had empowered them to perform that act of cruelty.
I loudly replied to him [208] that it was a falsehood,
and that such treacheries were as far from our minds
as heaven from earth. He had no answer to make
except that I did not know all that he knew.

We were secretly informed that on that very night
they would finish the last act of the tragedy on our
own persons. Everything seemed to be prepared
for it, and we were ready ; but God has so far been
pleased to be content with our willingness. It will
come when it pleases him ; but we see on all sides
tempests gathering and storms that seem as if they
would burst only upon us, who are but too happy
to spend our lives in the service of God and to die
for his glory; for in life and death we belong
altogether to him.

I commend to the prayers of all our good friends
this captive and suffering Church, with the Pastors
and the flock.

My Reverend Father,
Your Reverence s

Very humble and obedient

servant in Our Lord,
Paul Ragueneau, of the Society of JESUS.

78 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

[209] EXTRAICT D VNE AUTRE LETTRE ENUOYEE PAR

LA MESME VOYE.

IE loue Dieu de ce que V. R. continue encore dans
le foin de nos affaires ; mais ie fuis vn peu fur-
pris de ce que vous nous parlez neantmoins d vn
autre air qu a 1 ordinaire. Ou eft le temps que vous
nous efcriuiez que nous n auions rien a craindre, &
que Dieu vous enuoyoit dequoy nous fecourir en ce
bout du monde? D ou vient que maintenant vous
vous plaignez de nos depenfes exceffiues? Nous
fommes en vn pai s ou les frais font bien plus grands
qu aux Hurons, ou nous ne deuons attendre aucun
foulagement de ces contrees, parmy des traiftres &
des fourbes qui font en poff effion de nous mal-traitter
depuis long-temps. C eft vn ramas de captifs ame-
nez de tous coftez, qui apres tout font capables d eftre
faits enfants de Dieu. Ten ay baptife pour ma part
plus de quatre cens depuis vn an. Nous marchons,
la tefbe [210] leuee au milieu des dangers, au trauers
des iniures, des huees, des calomnies, des haches &
des couteaux auec lefquels on nous pourfuit affez
fouuent pour nous mettre a mort. Nous fommes
prefque tous les iours a la veille d eftre maffacrez;
Quaji morientes, & ecce viuimus. Et vous nous dites
que vous ne fcauriez plus fouftenir cette Miffion.
I ayme mieux, mon Reuerend Pere, me tenir aux
dernieres parolles de voftre Lettre, qui dit qu apres
tout fi nous faifons bien de noftre cofte, Dieu fera
du fien ce qu il faut. Oily affeurement il nous
fecourra, fi nous cherchons fa gloire, fi nous expo-
fons nos vies pour 1 application de fon fang fur ces
pauures Ames abandonees. C eft ce que font icy

1656-58] RELA TION OF 1656-57 79

[209] EXTRACT FROM ANOTHER LETTER SENT BY THE

SAME SHIP.

1 PRAISE God that Your Reverence still continues
in charge of our affairs; but I am somewhat
surprised that you should nevertheless speak to us
in a different tone than usual. Where is the time
when you wrote to us that we had nothing to fear,
and that God sent you what was needed to succor us
in this extremity of the world ? How conies it that
you now complain of our excessive expenditure?
We are in a country where the expense is much
greater than in that of the Hurons ; where we can
expect no aid from these countries; among treach
erous and perfidious people, who have been in the
habit of ill-treating us for a long time. Here is a
gathering of captives, brought from all parts, who,
after all, are capable of being made children of God.
I have baptized for my share over four hundred in
the past year. We walk with heads [210] erect amid
dangers, insults, hootings, calumnies, hatchets, and
knives, with which they very often pursue us, with
intentions of puting us to death. We are almost daily
on the point of being massacred: Quasi morientes,
et ecce vivimus. And you write to us that you can
no longer maintain this Mission. I prefer, my Rev
erend Father, to abide by the last words of your
Letter, which tell us that, after all, if we do well
on our side, God will on his part do what is neces
sary. Yes, assuredly he will succor us if we seek
his glory, and if we expose our lives in applying his
blood to these poor abandoned Souls. That is what
all our Fathers are doing here, with incredible pains
and labor. If God, who has brought us into this

80 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

tons nos Peres auec des peines & des trauaux incroy-
ables. Si Dieu qui nous a amene" en cette Barbaric,
nous y fait e"gorger, qu il foit beny a iamais, c eft
IESVS-CHRIST, c eft fon Euangile, c eft le falut de ces
pauures Ames qui nous tient & qui nous arrefte pref-
que au milieu des flames. Nos yeux font accouftumez
a voir brufler & [211] manger les hommes. Pries
Dieu qu il face des Chreftiens de ces Antropophages
& qu il nous fortifie de plus en plus; & nous le prie-
rons de toucher les coeurs de ceux qui 1 ayment, arm
qu ils vous aydent a nous fecourir.

FIN.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1656-57 81

Barbarism, should cause us to be killed, be tie praised
forever. It is JESUS CHRIST, it is his Gospel, it is
the salvation of these poor Souls, that keep us here
and stop us almost in the midst of the flames. Our
eyes are accustomed to see men burned and [211]
eaten. Pray God that he may make Christians of
these Cannibals, and that he may strengthen us
more and more ; and we shall pray him to touch the
hearts of those who love him, in order that they may
help you to succor us.

END.

XCVII

JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

en 1 annee 1658

SOURCE: We follow the original MS., in the library of
Laval University, Quebec.

84 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Journal des Peres Jesuites, en 1 annee

1698.

1658 IANUIER.

-j LE p piiart fut voir Mr L abbe. ledit
1 abbe ne rendit auctm visite.

pontpris. 26 la riuiere fut prise de glace de part

en part deuant quebec

3 1 Arriua de Montreal La rose auec trois
agnieronons qui portoient des lettres du P le
Moine, et venoient querir leurs prisoniers.

FEBURIER

4 les 3 Iroquois ambassadeurs firent leur
presens au fort en presence de M le Gouu. des
PP et des habitans. 7 pour Onontio. 2 pour
les sauuages. tous ne tendoient qu a deliurer
les prisoniers.

12 on assembla ledits ambassadeurs. Mr

i

le gouuerneur Les tanca rudement, Leur
declarant qu ils choisissent la guerre ou le paix
conformement a ce que le pere le Moine
leur auoit dit au pai s et escrit au dit sieur
Gouurn. sans leur dire s il les renuoiroit ou
non.

Les Agnieronons se voyants sans aucune
esperance de retour & voyant que le Conseil

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 85

Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the year

1658, JANUARY.

(FATHER pijart went to see Monsieur
The abbe". The abb6 did not return
any visit.

26. The river was closed by the ice, in Bridge formed,
front of quebec, from bank to bank.

31. La rose arrived from Montreal with
three agnieronons, who bore letters from
Father le Moine, and came for their prisoners.

FEBRUARY.

4. The 3 Iroquois ambassadors delivered
their presents at the fort, in the presence of
Monsieur the Governor, of the Fathers, and
of the habitans. There were 7 for Onontio,
and 2 for the savages. The object of all of
them was only the surrender of the prisoners.

12. The same ambassadors were called
together. Monsieur the governor sternly
rebuked Them ; he told Them to choose war
or peace, in accordance with what father le
Moine had told them in their own country,
and had written to the sieur Governor; and
he did not let them know whether he would
send them back or not.

When the Agnieronons saw that there was
no hope of returning, and that the Council

86 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

se dissipoit d Algo. & hurons firent present
de deux colliers pour dire i le t asseure
derechef que ie ne cognois point le meurtrier
que i ay apris a Montreal que c estoit le oio-
geronon, auec L oiotchronon 2 si tu voulois
que deux ou trois de nous allassions asseurer
nos anciens de 1 estat de nos affaires tu Verras
au printemps OndesonK et le meurtrier pour
te faire satisfaction par auance i essuie le sang
dont la terre est Couuerte.

La harangue d Onotio fut en ces termes.

harangue d onontio. Ie pense q3 tu me tiens pour vn enfant, si

ie te parle, tu fais semblat de m escouter, tu
t Imagines q3 tu me tueras quad tu voudras,
tout come tu fais a vn captif . tu me traictes
coe on traicte vn chien, on luy donne des
coups de baston, il crie & s enfuit, Si on luy
presente vn peu de pain il flatte ceux qui
1 ont battu; tu tues les fracois, il crie, on m a
tue", tu lettes vn collier en te mocquant, &
dis tay toy nous somes amys. Sache q3 les
fracois n oublie pas ta perfidie continuelle,
il s en vangera, il ne souffrira plus qs tu les
mesprises. II n y a qu vn mot. fay satis
faction, ou nome le meurtrier; Ie ne parleray
plus; tu n es pas home, tu ne gardes iamais
ta parolle : Ie scay bien q3 ton armee est en
campagne, toy mesme 1 as diet a 1 onotaer-
ronon qui est a motreal, et a tes freres qui
sont aux 3. Riu. & cependant tu penses

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 87

of Algonquains and hurons was about to
disperse, they gave a present of two collars
to say, ist: "I assure thee once more that I
know not the murderer; that I learned at
Montreal that it was the oiogeronon with The
oiotchronon." 2nd: " If thou wilt permit two
or three of us to go and inform our elders of the
state of our affairs, thou shalt See in the spring
Ondesonk and the murderer come to give thee
satisfaction. I wipe away in advance the
blood with which the ground is Covered." 4

Onontio s harangue was in these terms:

" I think that thou considerest me a child. Onontio s

If I speak to thee, thou feignest to listen to harangue.

me. Thou Imaginest that thou wilt kill me
whenever thou likest, as thou dost with a cap
tive. Thou treatest me as one treats a dog;
when it is beaten with a stick, it howls and
runs away; If it be given a piece of bread, it
fawns upon those who have beaten it. Thou
killest the frenchman ; he cries out : I have
been killed. Thou Thro west a collar mock
ingly, and sayest: Be silent; we are friends.
Know that the frenchman never forgets thy
continual treachery. He will take revenge
for it; he will no longer suffer thee to despise
him. There is but one word; make repara
tion, or name the murderer. I will say no
more. Thou art not a man ; thou never keep-
est thy word. I know very well that thy
army is in the field. Thou thyself didst say
so to the onontaerronon who is at montreal,
and to thy brothers who are at 3 Rivers. And
yet thou seekest to beguile me with a collar.

88 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

m amuser auec vn collier. Le sang de mes
freres crie bien fort Si ie ne suis bientost
appaise, ie donneray satisfaction a leurs ames.
C est OndesonK q3 ie voulois veoir, il ne
paroit pas, son escriture q3 tu portes, est si
vieille q3 ie ne la cognois plus. . . . Tu
demades qu on rende les haches, chaudieres
a tes gens; as tu rapporte* ce q3 tu pillois
dans les maisons fracoises il y a 2. ans &c.
II ny a qu vn mot fais la guerre ou Ie Paix,
& ne sois plus traistre; Le fracois ne craint
rien quand il a resoleu la guerre.

Tu demandes a 1 Algoquain & au huron ce
qu il a dans Ie coeur; ton frere I Onotaeronon
a trahy Ie huron qui s estoit donne a luy &
toy tu venois & viens casser la teste a 1 Al-
goquain; 1 vn & 1 autre souffre que ie t aye
conseru6 la vie, c est qu ilz m obiessent; Le
collier q3 tu leur as donne" leur faisant ceste
demande, leur debuoit seruir pour t estragler,
s ilz ne me respectoint.

1 5 . Lesdictz Agneerr. estans prestz a par-
tir receurent 3. presentz d Onotio i cest
pour la dernier fois q3 ie te parle, tes fourbes
et ta perfidie meritoint q3 ie te chassasse, &
marchasse sur tes presentz; Va dire a tes
Anciens q3 tes gens vienent, & q3 les fers q3
tu leur veois au pieds, sont pour leur tascher
de donner de 1 esprit, & non pas pour les
faire mourir; puisq3 i en fais autant a mes

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 89

The blood of my brothers cries out very loud.
If I be not soon appeased, I will give satisfac
tion to their souls. It is Ondesonk whom I
wished to see; he does not appear. His writ
ing that thou bearest is so old that I no longer
recognize it. . . . Thou askest that the
hatchets and kettles be restored to thy people ;
hast thou brought back the things that thou
didst pillage in the french houses 2 years
ago?" etc. "There is but one word: make
war or Peace, and be no longer treacherous.
The frenchman fears nothing when he is
resolved on war.

; Thou askest the Algonquain and the
huron what each has in his heart. Thy
brother the Onontaeronon betrayed the huron,
who had given himself to him; and, as to
thee, thou didst and dost now come to break
the head of the Algonquain. Both one and
the other suffer me to save thy life; it is
because they obey me. The collar that thou
gavest them in making that request would
have been used by them to strangle thee, did
they not respect me."

*

15. The same Agneerronons, when ready
to depart, received 3 presents from Onontio.
ist: I speak to thee for the last time. Thy
treachery and perfidy deserve that I should
drive thee away, and trample on thy gifts.
Go and tell thy Elders that thy people are
coming, and that the purpose of the irons which
thou sawest on their feet is to give them sense,
and not to make them die ; for I do as much
to my true brothers, the Algonquains and

90 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

vrays freres les Algoq. & hurons; Lors q3
quelque fois ilz sont folz.

2. dis a tes anciens, q3 ie veux cognoistre
les meurtriers de Motreal qu ilz ouurent les
yeux et les oreilles, regardantz vers Motreal,
tout y est encore covmert de sang qui crie vne
pleine satisfaction; centre ceux qui ont trou
ble toute la terre.

3. Ie veux veoir OndessonK mesme en
persone, ses freres Ie veulent veoir &c. Eux
ont respodu qu aussitost q3 Ton pourroit faire
des canotz, il viendroit

19 fut marie M Villere. assista aux nopces
P. Vimon parla a Mr 1 abbe; ledit sieur vint
voir Ie p Mercier malade.

MARS.

345 On fit 1 oraison des 40 heures les trois
lours en nostre Chappelle on exposa Ie s 1
Sacrement a 4 et demie du matin on Ie serra
a 7 heures du soir dimanche on chanta la
grande messe il y eut sermon, catechisme ves-
pres en suite & salut a 5 heures. lundy
grand Messe en musiq3 coe dimanche Et salut
a 5. heures du soir Mardy grand Messe salut
a 4 heures qui termina Les 40 heures. Ie
concours du peuple fut assez grand et la de-
uotion.

se du petit 13 Mr Ie gouuerneur alia auec Mr Vignard

cap... visiter la cote de beaupre pour voir si on

trauailloit aux reduits. Mr Vignard delegue

par Mr L abbe benit la place de 1 eglise du

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 91

hurons, When they are sometimes foolish."

2nd: " Tell thy elders that I wish to know
the Montreal murderers. Let them open
their eyes and their ears, and look toward
Montreal; everything there is still covered
with blood, which cries out for full satisfac
tion against those who have disturbed the
whole earth."

3rd: " I wish to see Ondessonk himself, in
person; his brothers wish to see him," etc.
They replied that he would come as soon as
canoes could be made.

19. Monsieur Villere 5 was married. Fa
ther Vimon attended the wedding and spoke
to Monsieur the abbe. The same sieur came
to see father Mercier, who was ill.

MARCH.

3, 4, 5. The 40 hours devotion was held
on these three Days, in our Chapel. The
blessed Sacrament was exposed at half past 4
o clock in the morning, and was put back into
the tabernacle at 7 o clock in the evening.
On Sunday, high mass was chanted, at which
a sermon was preached ; then there was cate
chism, followed by vespers and benediction
at 5 o clock. On monday, high Mass with
music as on Sunday, With benediction at 5
o clock in the afternoon. On Tuesday, high
Mass, and benediction at 4 o clock, which con
cluded The 40 hours. There was a large gath
ering of people, who showed much devotion.

1 3 . Monsieur the governor went with Mon- Church at the petit
sieur Vignard to visit the cote de beaupre, ca P-

92

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

prosne outrd de
L. Kaylus.

contradiction

societ^ cassde.

petit cap. le Mr le gouuerneur y mit La
premiere pierre.

23 vn samedy furent condamez par MM
du Conseil lamote et Tieri Chacun a 500!!
d amende pour auoir vendu au dela du
tarif.

3 1 Mr 1 abbe dit a son prosne que cestoit
peche mortel de vendre de 1 eau de vie aux
sauuages parcequ ils n en demandent que
pour s enyurer. II auoit dit auparauant que
ce n estoit pas peche mortel.

3 1 . fut condamne par Mr Chartier le sieur
lespinay auec ses associes scauoir les Meres
hospitaliers & le contract de societe fut casse
a raison qu il estoit fait entre des personnes
Incapables de traitter, telles que sont les
Religieuses. Lhistoire de ceste societe est
Longue.

AURIL

i les habitans du cap rouge pour auoir
refuse de faire le pain benit a la paroisse de
quebec furent appelle s deuant Mr le Gouuer
neur, qui leur conseilla apres auoir Oiii toutes
leurs raisons de s accorder au plus tost auec
les Marguilliers de la paroisse pour payer quel-
q3 escus chaque annee comme vne Recognois-
sance a la paroisse pour faire le pain benit. a
quoy ils s accorderent tous.

1 8 leudy St nous fismes le salut a 5 heures
& vn quart a la sortie des tenebres de la
paroisse. Nous chantasmes le Miserere en

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

93

to see whether they were working on the
redouts. Monsieur Vignard, who was dele
gated by Monsieur The abbe, blessed the site
of the church at the petit cap ; and Monsieur
the governor laid Its first stone.

23, Saturday. Lamote and Tieri were
condemned by the Gentlemen of the Council to
pay a fine of 500 livres Each, for having sold
goods at a higher price than the tariff.

31. Monsieur the abbe said in his sermon
that it was a mortal sin to sell brandy to the
savages, because they ask for it only in order
to become intoxicated. He had previously
said that it was not a mortal sin.

31. Monsieur Chartier condemned the
sieur lespinay, with his associates, to wit,
the hospital Mothers, and the contract of
partnership was set aside, because it was en
tered into by persons who, like the Nuns, are
Not qualified to engage in the trade. The
history of this partnership is a Long one.

APRIL.

i. The habitans of cap rouge were sum
moned before Monsieur the Governor, to an
swer for having refused to provide the blessed
bread for the parish church of quebec. After
Hearing all their arguments, he advised them
to come to an understanding, as soon as pos
sible, with the Churchwardens of the parish,
to pay a few ecus every year as an Acknowl
edgment to the parish church, for supplying
the blessed bread; they all agreed to this.

1 8, Holy Thursday. We celebrated the

Violent sermon of
The abbe Kaylus,

Contradiction.

Partnership set
aside.

I!

94

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

/ abbd malade.

Pasques.

Lit. du nom de

Jesus a la fin de

La messe.

faux bourdon puis le Vexilla regis aussy en
faux bourdon au bout duquel le P Claude
piiart qui estoit en surplis deuant le st Sacre-
ment adiouta. Respice qusesumus et ainsy
finit.

19 le fus visiter Mr L abbe malade le P
Vimon fut prie de dire la messe a la paroisse
le lour de pasque. le p piiart le Visita le
samedy 20.

21 le p Vimont fut prie de dire la messe
a la paroisse. le mesme lour fut afHche a la
porte de nostre Eglise vn mandat du dit sieur
Abbe", qui portoit que tous prestres seculiers
& Reguliers Religieux et Religieuses eussent
a dire a la fin de la messe iusques a la S 4 lean
les litanies du nom de lesus pour les neces-
sites du pai s.

23 La mission donontage fut rompue.
tous nos pp ff. & francois qui y estoient arri-
uerent a quebec sur les 5 heures du soir.

MAY

PP. alba, du peron. 13. Le P Albanel partit auec le P du peron

n f Nicolas Charton Et guilaume boiuin &
charles panie pour tadoussac

20 Nous aprismes nouuelle a quebec par
les guerriers alguonquins que le Pere simon
le moine estoit arriue aux trois Riuieres auec
3 Agnieronons dont il y en auoit vn ancien,
les dits guerriers ont apportes la cheuelure
d vn agnieronon qu ils ont tuez

2 1 arriua sur le midy le p le Moine auec

Mission romp-tie.

P. Le Moyne de
retour.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 95

benediction at a quarter past 5 o clock, at the
conclusion of the tenebrce in the parish church.
We sang the Miserere in faux-bourdon, then
the Vexilla regis, also in faux-bourdon; after
which Father Claude pijart, who was in his sur
plice before the blessed Sacrament, added Re-
spice qu<zsumus, and thus ended the ceremony.

19. I went to visit Monsieur The abbe", The abbe 1 ill.
who was ill. Father Vimon was requested

to say mass in the parish church on easter
Sunday. Father pijart Visited him on Satur
day, the 2Oth.

21. Father Vimont was requested to say Easter,

mass in the parish church. On the same Day, Litany of the name of
there was posted on the door of our Church a Jesus at the end
mandate from the sieur Abbe, to the effect
that all the priests, both secular and Regular,
and the Religious of both sexes, were to recite
after mass until the feast of St. John the litany
of the name of Jesus, for the needs of the
country.

23. The mission of onontage was broken Mission broken up.
up. All our fathers, brethren, and frenchmen
who were there arrived at quebec, about 5
o clock in the evening.

MAY.

1 3 . Father Albanel started with Father du Fathers albanel, du
peron, our brother Nicolas Charton, guilaume peron.

boivin, and charles panie, for tadoussac.

20. We received news at quebec by the Return of Father
alguonquin warriors that Father simon le Le Moyne.
moine had arrived at three Rivers with 3
Agnieronons, one of whom was an elder.

96 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

trois agnieronons qui le ramenoient & 6
hurons de montreal qui s estoient defilez de
1 armee de 200, qui debuoient aller a tadous-
sac

22 Le diet P. Le Moyne rapporte la voix
des Agneerronons qui le 19. Auril en pnce
des hollandois les plus considerables de
tnanatte, luy firent 7. P ntz i le t essuye la
sueur du front, & les boiies de tes souliers.

2. le te donne 3. de mes gens, vn de
chasq3 nation, pour te remener. mon frere
tiendra ma place, coe toy celle d onontio, qui
ne nous vient pas veoir.

3 Tu cherches querelle, & ne dis pas q3
c est moy: le t ay remene Marguery et Tu as
diet a 1 onotagherronon, qu il me tuast.

4 le n ay rien de tortu en ma pensee, ie
veux estre ton Frere: nous gens de conseil te
disons, prens garde a ce q3 tu as faict.

5. Que les Algoquains qui sont cause qu on
retient nos nepueux, les laissent aller.

6. Tu ne me mettras pas aux fers, si vne
autre fois on te tiie, qu en peus ie mais?

7. fais coe le hollandois qui ne se meslent
pas des guerres des Loups, &c.

8. vous autres hollandois soyes tesmoings,
q3 ie dis au Fra^ois, qu il comence le i er .

Onontio respond

1 . Pour graisser les pieds des conducteurs
du P. ondesonK. 3. capotz.

2. Ie deslie tes nepueues.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 97

Those warriors brought the scalp of an agnie-
ronon, whom they had killed.

2 1 . About noon, father le Moine came with
three agnieronons, who brought him back, and
6 hurons of montreal ; these had left the army
of 200 who were to go to tadoussac. 6

22. Father Le Moyne brings back the
voice of the Agneerronons, who, on the i9th of
April, in the presence of the most notable
among the dutch of manatte, gave him 7
Presents, ist: "I wipe away the sweat from
thy brow, and the mud from thy shoes."

2nd: " I give thee 3 of my people, one of
each nation, to take thee back. My brother
will take my place as thou takest that of
onontio, who comes not to see us."

3rd: " Thou seekest a quarrel; and say not
that it is I. I brought Marguery back to
thee, 7 and Thou didst tell the onontagherronon
to kill me."

4th: " I have nothing crooked in my
thoughts. I wish to be thy Brother. We
who are men of wisdom say to thee, Take
heed of what thou hast done.

5th: " That the Algonquains, on whose
account our nephews are being detained, may
let them go."

6th: " Thou shalt not put me in irons. If
on another occasion thou be killed, how can I
help it?"

7th: " Do like the dutchman, who inter
feres not in the wars of the Wolves," etc.

8th: "Ye dutch, be witnesses that I tell
the Frenchman that he commences the ist."

98

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

gallerie dufort se

rompt dur. un

con seil.

3. I oste la peur aux anciens, qui craignent
de venir a nous.

4. Les Algoq. & hurons nous obeissent
parfaictem 1 , c est moy qui auoit est6 tu6 a
motreal, c est moy qui ay mis aux fers tes
nepueux, & non pas ny le huron, ny 1 Algoq.

5. Tu es le i er . a m agacer, iamais ie n ay
comance" la guerre ; Lorsqs d vne main tu me
rendois feu Marguery & Normauille, de 1 autre
tu tuois mon frere 1 Algoquain.

6. I oste les brossailles du chemin q3 tien-
dront les anciens.

7. Ceux de tes nepueux qui demeureront
icy, conserueront le feu qs tu t y es aHume"
autrefois.

8. Ie ne parle pas, ta voix est encor perdue
auec tes presentz, Iorsq3 les anciens viendront
icy, ie parleray.

Apres la conseil vn des 3. Ambassadeurs
diuise vn collier par la rnoitie, auec 1 vne il
diet, C est I oneiHtchronon qui t a tue", c est
vn estourdy il en faict autant quelquefois a
moy mesme, qui suis son Pere. auec 1 autre,
il remercie de ce q3 ses nepueux sont deslies.

25 Les dits Iroquois s en retournerent dans
leur pai s.

le 22 durant qu on tenoit Conseil sur la
galerie du fort ou se trouuerent Mr le gouuer-
neur les PP. Supr, Mercier Chaumonot Ga
briel. Alguonquins Et hurons et Iroquois
Ladicte Galerie se rompit par le milieu tout

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 99

Onontio replies,

ist: " To grease the feet of the conductors
of Father ondesonk " 3 coats.

2nd: " I unbind thy nephews."

3rd : " I dispel the fear of the elders, who
are afraid to come to us.

4th : The Algonquains and hurons obey us
perfectly. It is I who was killed atmontreal,
it is I who put thy nephews in irons, and it was
neither the huron nor the Algonquain,"

5th: "Thou art the ist to irritate me;
never have I commenced war. When with
one hand thou gavest me back the late
Marguery and Normanville, with the other
thou didst kill my brother, the Algonquain."

6th: " I remove the brushwood from the
road that the elders will take."

7th : Those of thy nephews who shall
remain here will keep up the fire that thou
didst formerly kindle here for thyself."

8th : I speak not ; thy voice is still lost
with thy presents. When the elders shall
come here, I will speak."

After the council, one of the 3 Ambassadors
divided a collar in two. With one half he
said : " It is the oneioutchronon who has killed
thee ; he is thoughtless, and sometimes does
the same to me, who am his Father." 8 With
the other, he gave thanks that his nephews
had been unfettered.

2 5 . The Iroquois returned to their country.

On the 22nd, while the Council was being The gallery of the
held on the gallery of the fort, at which were frt breaks during
present Monsieur the governor, the Fathers a council.

100 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

le monde tomba sans estre blesse a la reserue
de deux ou trois.

IUIN

15 partirent pour la guerre centre L iro-
quois 23 hurons dans trois Canots a 1 iro-
quoise.

1 7 Le bac de montreal arriua a quebec qui
porta pour nouuelle que trois francois leudy
dernier 13. du susdit mois furent pris par vn
Canot de 6 Iroquois a 5 heures du matin a la
premiere riuiere. Us s appellent Adrien loliet
fouquet Christophle.

20 lour du S 1 Sacrement Mr. L abbe porta
chez nous en procession le st Sacrement Deux
de nos pp le receurent a 200 pas hors de leglise
auec 4 enfans en surplis deux tenoient des
basins pleins de fleurs dont ils ionchoient le
Chemin deux autres portoient lencens pour en
fournir aux pp qui encensoient, Le Condui-
sirent de ceste sorte iusques au balustre Et le
reconduisirent lusque a 1 eglise de la paroisse.

IUILLET

Mr d argenson n a 2 heures apres midi moiiilla 1 ancre

arrive. deuant quebec le r e Vaisseau qui nous donna

Vnp.eta.ff Mr d Argenson Gouuerneur le pere Claude
aloez et deux de Nos ff

13 fut tiiee vne femme Montagnaise par
les Iroquois dans le champ de Mr de repen-
tigni. deux autres femmes alguonquines
furent blessees et 2 petite fill[e]s s echapperent.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 101

Superior, Mercier, Chaumonot, and Gabriel,
the Alguonquins, hurons, and Iroquois, The
Gallery broke in the middle. All who were
on it fell, but without injury, except to two
or three.

JUNE.

15. 23 hurons set out for war against The
iroquois in three Canoes, in the iroquois
fashion.

17. The montreal boat arrived at quebec,
and brought news that last Thursday, the
1 3th of the above month, three frenchmen
were captured by a Canoe carrying 6 Iroquois,
at 5 o clock in the morning, at the first river.
Their names are: Adrien Joliet, 9 fouquet,
and Christophle.

20, The Feast of the Blessed Sacrament.
Monsieur The abbe" carried the blessed Sacra
ment in procession to our house. Two of our
fathers received him, at a distance of 200
paces from the church, with 4 boys in sur
plices. Two held basins full of flowers, which
they scattered over the Road ; two others car
ried incense, to supply the fathers who in
censed. They Conducted Him in that fashion
to the altar-rail, And then back again To the
parish church.

JULY.

ii. At 2 o clock in the afternoon, the ist Monsieur

Ship anchored before quebec, bringing us d argenson arrives.

Monsieur d Argenson the Governor, father A father and a

Claude aloez, 10 and two of Our brethren. brethren.

13. A Montagnais woman was killed by

102 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Nous aprismes ce mesme lour par lettres
de Montreal apportees par des hurons que
les Iroquois y auoient este Vaillament re-
poussez.

reception du 28 Mr le gouuerneur nous fit 1 honneur

auec Mr L abbe queylus de disner chez nous.
Ou il fut receu par la leunesse du pais d un
petit drame en francois huron et Alguonquin
dans nostre lardin a la Veue de tout le peuple
de quebec. ledit sieur gouuerneur tesmoigna
estre content de ceste reception.

AOUST

1 Les sauuages Alg. & Hurons allerent
saluer Mr le gouuerneur au fort. Les Alguon-
quins luy firent deux presens vn de 10
Castors. 1 autre autant le i er signifioit La
coniouissance de son arriuee apres tant de
dangers le 2 pour Luy dire qu ils le recognois-
soient pour leur Capitaine, escouter la voix
et suiure les ordres. Les Hurons firent aussy
2 presens le i r d vn Collier de 3000 grains de
porcelaine & le second de 100 grains enfilez
qui signifioient le mesme que Ceux des
Alguonquins. Mr le gouur. tesmoigne qu il
estoit bien aise de les voir & qu il leur parle-
roit en son temps.

2 Mr le gouuerneur fit vn festin de 7
Chaudieres a tous les sauuages.

3 II respondit a leur presens par trois
presens aux Alguonquins et 3 aux hurons
qui signifioient la mesme chose a 1 vn & a

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 103

the Iroquois in Monsieur de repentigni s field ;
two other Alguonquin women were wounded,
and 2 little girls escaped.

On the same Day we learned by letters from
Montreal, brought by some hurons, that the
Iroquois had been Valiantly repulsed there.

28. Monsieur the governor did us the Reception of the
honor, with Monsieur The abbe queylus, of governor,

coming to dine at our house. There he was
received by the Youths of the country with a
little drama in french, huron, and Alguonquin,
in our Garden, in the Sight of all the people
of quebec. 11 The sieur governor expressed
himself as pleased with that reception.

AUGUST.

1. The Alguonquin and Huron savages
went to pay their respects to Monsieur the
governor at the fort. The Alguonquins gave
him two presents, one of 10 Beaver- skins, the
other of as many. The ist was A token of
congratulation on his arrival after so many
dangers; the 2nd, to tell Him that they
acknowledged him as their Captain that
they would listen to his voice and obey his
orders. The Hurons also gave 2 presents;
the ist was a Collar of 3,000 porcelain beads,
and the second of 100 beads strung together.
They had the same meaning as Those of the
Alguonquins. Monsieur the governor said
that he was much pleased to see them, and
that he would speak to them in due time.

2. Monsieur the governor gave a feast of 7
Kettles to all the savages.

3. He replied to their presents by three

104

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Patente de grand

vicaire pour Les

les.

P. Lyonne

1 autre. i le vous essuie les larmes de ce
que vos gens ont este tuez. I2tt de poudre et
30!! de plom. a 1 alguonquin. aux Hurons 12
Espees. 2 ie vous donne vn breuuage pour
remettre la voix quand il faudra exhorter la
leunesse au combat 12 Espees. aux hurons
200 fers de fleches. 3 ie vous exhorte a la
foy a faire ce qu on vous enseigne sur tout
a fuir la poligamie et 1 yurognerie que ie ne
veux pas proteger. 2 fusils & aux Hurons 12
haches.

6 arriua a quebec le vaisseau de Tadour-
neau.

8 arriua de tadousac le P Albanel

Nous fismes signifier Nostre patente de
grand vicaire a Mr L abbe.

13 Monta a 3 Riuieres et a Montreal Mr
le gouuer. dans trois chalouppes Et quelques
canots francois et sauuages.

Arriua la 3 C vaisseau a quebec, qui nous
donna le P. Lionne.

1 5 arriua a 5 heures du matin la barque de
la nouuelle hollande auec lettres du ministre
pour le p. le Moine

2 1 partit de quebec Mr L abbe de quey-
lus pour Montreal auec Mr d alliboust Et
sa feme en Comp. de 60 persones dans trois
Chalouppes.

La nuict les Iroquois parurent au cap rouge,
qui prirent lean hayot qui par finesse se sauua
de leurs mains.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

105

presents to the Alguonquins and 3 to the
hurons, which had the same meaning for both,
ist: "I wipe away the tears that you shed
because your people have been killed," -12
livres weight of powder and 30 of lead to the
alguonquins; and to the Hurons 12 Swords.
2nd: " I give you a beverage to restore your
voice when you have to exhort the Young
men to battle," 12 Swords; and, to the
hurons 200 iron arrow-heads. 3rd: " I ex
hort you to believe, and to do what you are
taught; above all, to avoid polygamy and
drunkenness, which I will not tolerate," 2
guns; and, to the Hurons, 12 hatchets.

6. Tadourneau s ship arrived at quebec.

8. Father Albanel arrived from tadousac.

We caused Our patent of vicar-general to
be communicated to Monsieur The abbe.

13. Monsieur the governor went up to 3
Rivers and to Montreal, with three shallops
And some french and savage canoes.

The 3rd ship arrived at quebec, bringing us
Father Lionne.

15. At 5 o clock in the morning, the bark
from new holland arrived, with letters from
the minister for father le Moine.

21. Monsieur The abbe" de queylus, with
Monsieur d alliboust And his wife, started
from quebec for Montreal, in Company with
60 persons, in three Shallops.

At night, the Iroquois made their appear
ance at cap rouge; they captured Jean hayot
who succeeded, by cunning, in escaping from
their hands.

Patent of vicar-
general for
The Jesuits.

Father Lyonne.

106

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

anniez pris par
addresse

six les. vont en
france

30 vn huron allant au bois fut pris par 4.
Iroquois dans le sapiniere en deca de nostre
moulin.

SEPTEMBRE

4 Vne chalouppe des trois Riuieres amena
a quebec 7 agnieronons pris par finesse par
les francois aux trois Riuieres.

6 a 4 heures de releuee partit le vaisseau
du Gagneur auec 6 des nostres scauoir les PP
de la place du peron, fremin, Richar & n ff
nicolas fauconier & louis le boheme.

7. AtogtfatKtfann diet La Grande cueilliere
chef des 7 Annieyer onons pris aux 3 Riu.
feit en prece d Onnontio, des hurons et des
Algonquins ces p nes

i. le viens porter ma teste aux pieds
d Onnontio dans la confiance que ce qu A-
chiendase a dit de sa part a toutes nos nations
Iroquoises est vray scauoir est que les faux
bruits ne pourroient iamais alterer les pense"es
de paix entre Luy et nous.

2 Voila pour dissiper Les defiances que
nous pourrions auoir les vns des autres

3 ie Viens voir si nos gens que Vous auez
mis aux fers sont encore en Vie

4 I accommode 1 esprit des hurons a ce
que doresnauant ils ne fassent plus courir de
faux bruits de part ny d autre.

Onnontio Respond

i Apres auoir inuite tes Anciens au
conseil tant de fois, ils ne paroissent point.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

107

30. A huron, who was going for wood,
was captured by 4 Iroquois in the fir grove on
this side of our mill.

SEPTEMBER.

4. A shallop from three Rivers brought to Anniez captured by

quebec 7 agnieronons, who had been caught
by stratagem by the french at three Rivers.

6. At 4 o clock in the afternoon, the ship
of le Gagneur started with 6 of ours namely,
Fathers de la place, du peron, fremin, Richar,
and our brethren nicolas fauconier and louis
le boheme.

7 . Atog watk wann , 13 called La Grande cueil-
liere ["The Large spoon"], chief of the 7
Annieyer onons captured at 3 Rivers, gave, in
the presence of Onnontio, the hurons, and the
Algonquins, these gifts,

i st : "I come to lay my head at the feet of
Onnontio, in full confidence that what Achien-
dase said on his behalf to all our Iroquois
nations is true namely, that false rumors
could never alter the thoughts of peace be
tween Him and us."

2nd: "This is to dispel The distrust that
we might feel toward each other."

3rd: " I Come to see if our people whom
You have put in irons are still Alive."

4th: " I clear the minds of the hurons, that
in future they may not circulate false rumors,
either on one side or on the other.

Onnontio Replies,

ist: " Although I have so often invited thy
Elders to the council, still they do not appear;

stratagem.

Six Jesuits go to
france.

108

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

mais en leur place tu nous viens casser des
testes. que meriterois tu autre chose que le
feu, si nous estions aussi cruels et Vindicatifs
que toy? Au contraire nous te donnons la
vie et aux tiens et Voulons que deux de v re
bande aillent en donner aduis dans le pais et
dire aux Anciens que les autres vivent tant
les derniers retenus que les premiers, et que
Les fran9ois hurons et Algonquins qui sont
inseparables 1 ont ainsy resolu.

2 Tu as promis d arracher la hache des
mains de toutes les nations Iroquoises, faits
le done a La bonne heure, car nous francois,
Algonquins et hurons voulons La paix ou
auec toutes ou auec pas vne, et pour monstrer
que tu 1 as fait ramene nous des Captifs de
toutes les nations sc. frangois, Algonq. et

huron.

3 Le lieu du conseil sera les 3. R. ou Les
Ambassadeurs viendront teste leuee en fai-
sant les harangues ordinaires, et personne ne
viendra en cachette et dans Les broussailles
autrement si on 1 attrappe il sera condamne"

au feu.

p. lemoyne 1 6 a 6 heures du matin arriua le bacq de

Mr Suart, Montreal qui nous donna le P le Moine et Mr

Suart, auec beaucoup de Nouuelles bonnes et
mauuaises. GaraconKe chef des Onontager.
Venu a Montreal auec presens. &c ramenez
deux fran?ois pris aux 3 Riui. n Onon-
tageronons faits prisoniers a Montreal 2

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 109

but, in place of them, them comest to break
our heads. What else shouldst thou deserve
but fire, were we as cruel and as Vindictive as
thou ? On the contrary, we grant life to thee
and to thy people, and we Wish that two of
your band should go and give information of
it in your country, and tell the Elders that
the others live those who were last as well
as those who were first captured; and that
The french, the hurons, and the algonquins,
who are inseparable, have so decided."

2nd: : Thou hast promised to snatch the
hatchet from the hands of all the Iroquois
nations. Then do so at once ; for we french,
Algonquins, and hurons desire peace, either
with all or with none. And, to show that
thou hast done so, bring us back the Captives
of all the nations, namely, french, Algonquins,
and hurons.

3rd: The place of the council shall be at
3 Rivers, whither The Ambassadors shall
come with heads erect to deliver the usual
harangues, and no one shall come secretly and
through The brushwood; otherwise, if he be
caught, he shall be condemned to the fire."

16. At 6 o clock in the morning, the boat Father lemoyne;
from Montreal arrived, bringing us Father le Monsieur Suart.
Moine and Monsieur Suart, with abundant
News, both good and bad. Garaconke, chief
of the Onontageronons, had Come to Mont
real with presents, etc. ; two frenchmen, taken
prisoners at 3 Rivers, had been brought back ;
1 1 Onontageronons had been taken prisoners
at Montreal; 2 Onontageronons had been

110 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

2 hospres vont a
Montreal

cinq Iroq. pris.
3 tuez

A ugustt

lolyet et Chrtstofle

revenus des

Iroquois.

Onontager tiiez: le huron appele le Roy de
Suede sauue. 9 Canots d tftattaK chargez de
pelteries arriuez a Montreal. &c. vide infra A

19 a 7 heures du soir s embarquerent La
mere agnes st paul et La Mere Marie Renee
de la natiuite, hospitalieres de quebec pour
monter a Montreal auec le p Chaumonot, qui
estoit Enuoye de Mr le gouuerneur pour y
traitter les affaires des Onontageronons.

25 a 9. heures du soir arriua La chalouppe
des trois Riuieres qui amena Cinq Iroquois
Oneitcheronons, pris prisoniers vn peu au
dessus des 3 Riuieres par les francois par
finesse : trois autres f urent tiiez dans le com
bat & vn sixiesme fut relach6 qui fut enuoye
en embassade en son pai s auec des presens
pour dire ce qui se passoit.

A voicy les presents que nostre hoste Ha-
raKontie nous vint pendre sur la perche a
Montreal, en nous ramenant deux de nos
Frangois lolyet, & Chretofle, pris aux Trois-
riuieres par ceux d onnejtft.

Apres t auoir essuye tes larmes ; ouuert le
gozier ; & essuye le sang.

1 . ie viens nettoyer les endroits, ou il y a
eu du sang respandu.

2 . ie te donne vn breuuage pour appaiser
ton coeur.

3. i essuye la honte, que ceux d OnneiHt
m ont iett6 sur le visage.

4. ie le fais encore vne autre fois.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. jS UITES 111

killed ; the huron called le Roy de Suede
had escaped; 9 Canoes of Outawak, loaded
with furs, had arrived at Montreal, etc. Vide
infra A. 13

19. At 7 o clock in the evening, mother 2 hospital nuns go to
agnes st. paul and Mother Marie Renee de la Montreal.

nativite, hospital nuns of quebec, 14 embarked
to proceed to Montreal with father Chaumo-
not, who was Sent by Monsieur the governor
to manage there the affairs of the Ononta-
geronons.

25. At 9 o clock in the evening, The shal- Five Iroquois taken
lop arrived from three Rivers, bringing Five prisoners; 3 killed.
Oneioutcheronon Iroquois who had, by strata
gem, been taken prisoners by the french, a
short distance above 3 Rivers. Three others
were killed in the fight, and a sixth was
allowed to go ; he was sent on an embassy to
his own country, with presents, to tell what
was happening. 15

A. Here are the presents that our guest August 3 ist.
Harakontie hung up for us on the pole at
Montreal, in bringing back to us two of our
Frenchmen, Jolyet and Chretofle, who had Jolyet and Christofle
been captured at Three rivers by those of return from the
onneiout. Iroquois.

1 After having wiped away thy tears, opened
thy throat, and washed away the blood,"

ist: I come to clean the places where
blood has been spilled."

2nd: I give thee a beverage to calm thy
heart."

3rd: I wipe away the shame that those of
Onneiout have cast upon my face."

112 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

5 . i enseuelis les trois copagnons d Achien-
dase, qui se noyerent auec luy, lors qu ils
descendirent a Kebeq.

6. ie iette du Sable sur toutes les fosses,
ou il y a eu du Sang respandu.

7. ie desire que tu me die vn bon mot.

8. ie replante a Montreal, 1 arbre desia
plant6, pour les affaires.

9. Ie Soleil s y est eclypse, ie 1 y r attache :

10. ie r allume Ie feu de ton conseil.

11. i y estens la natte de ceux, qui y
parleront d affaires.

12. ie nettoye toute la riuiere, en ostant
les pierres qui y sont.

13. ieteprie de receuoir icy mes nepueux,
comme des chasseurs.

14. vn lien qui nous estreindra fortem 1
auec nos 4. Nations.

15. reuiens en mon pays, pour m y ap-
prendre a prier Dieu, coe tu faisois.

1 6. Ie t asseure que ta maison de Gannen-
t&a est encore sur pied.

17 Les Agnieronnons font desia asseure
d auoir tance ceux d onnejtft.

1 8. Ie romps les fers de mon Nepueu
Atiohonchiot, qui est ton hoste depuis 9 moys.

19. Ie t assure que ie me suis plaint a
Agnienge, du meurtre fait icy.

20. Ie regrette que mon nom a seruy a
ceux d Onneitft, pour prendre trois fran9ois
aux Trois riu.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 113

4th: " I do the same once more."

5th: I bury the three companions of
Achiendase, who were drowned with him
while they were going down to Kebeq." 16

6th : " I throw Sand on all the graves where
Blood has been spilled."

;th : " I desire that thou shouldst say a kind
word to me."

8th : I replant at Montreal the tree already
planted for the transaction of affairs.

9th : The Sun has become eclipsed there ;
I reattach it. "

loth: " I rekindle thy council fire."

i ith : "I spread the mat for those who will
there speak of affairs."

1 2th: I clear out the whole river, remov
ing the rocks that are in it."

1 3th: " I beg thee to receive my nephews
here as hunters."

1 4th: "A tie that shall bind you tightly
with our 4 Nations."

1 5th: Return to my country, and teach
me to pray to God, as thou didst."

1 6th: "I assure thee that thy house at
Gannentaa is still standing."

i /th: The Agnieronnons have already
assured thee that they have rebuked those of
onneiout.

1 8th: "I break the fetters of my Nephew
Atiohonchiot, who has been thy guest for 9
months."

1 9th: " I assure thee that I complained at
Agnienge of the murder committed here.
2oth : I regret that my name has served

114 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

2 1 . Ne pense pas que ie ressente la mort
de deux de mes nepueux, que tu viens de tuer.

22. Ie mets des pierres sur leur fosse, a ce
qu il n en soit plus parle.

23. Laisse moy passer, quand ie viendray
tiler 1 Algonquin.

24. Cherchons vn expedient, pour que ie
tiie 1 Algonquin.

25. Ie te ramene tes deux Nepueux; coe
i ay desia fait autre fois.

26. Ie t aduertis que deux cens de mes
nepueux vont en guerre centre ceux du Feu.

presents des robes Le P. Ie moyne luy fit trois presents, Ie soir
Nozres. ( j u mesme i O ur, au nom des Robes-noires.

secreto

1. Nous ne sommes pas sorty de ton pays,
inimico ajo: nous eussions pu rauager ton
village.

2. Ce qui nous determina & ce fa r , & est6
Ie meurtre de Montreal impuny ; & les bandes
de guerriers qui partoient tous les iours, pour
Kebeq, dont les Franjois nous croyoient estre
la cause.

3. les robes-noires sont prests de retour-
ner en ton pays, lors que les affaires seront
bien appaise"es de tous costez.

OCTOBRE

s 3 sur les 9 heures du soir retourna de

Montreal a quebec Ie P. Chaumonot qui nous
aprit que les 2 hospitalieres y estoient arriuees
heureusement.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

115

those from Onneiout to capture three french
men at Three rivers.

2ist: "Think not that I feel any resent
ment for the death of two of my nephews,
whom thou hast just killed."

22nd: "I place stones on their grave, so
that no more may be said about it."

23rd: " Let me pass, when I shall come to
kill the Algonquin."

24th: " Let us seek an expedient, that I
may kill the Algonquin."

25th : " I bring thee back thy two Nephews,
as I have already done formerly.

26th: " I inform thee that two hundred of
my nephews are going to war against the
nation of Fire."

Father le moyne gave him three presents,
on the evening of the same day, in the name
of the black Gowns. Secretb.

ist: " We did not leave thy country inimico
animo; we could have ravaged thy village.

2nd: " What decided us to do so was, that
the murder at Montreal remained unpunished,
and that bands of warriors started every day
for Kebeq, of which the French believed us
to be the cause.

3rd : ; The black gowns are ready to return
to thy country when matters shall be thor
oughly settled on all sides."

OCTOBER.

3. About 9 o clock at night, Father Chau-
monot returned from Montreal to quebec, and

Presents of the
Black gowns.

Hospital nuns.

116 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Mdle Mense va en 14 Partirent les Vaisseaux des Cap es .
* raf Remon et tadourneau, ou estoit Me Mance.

1 5 fit profession le soeur marie Marguerite
de st Jean bapt. Bourdon.

28 Sep. Le 28 septembre Le P. Chaumonnot fit les

pnts a Montreal d ordre de Monsieur Le Gou-
uerneur a 2 Onnontageronnons, qu on renuoia
en leur pais dont 1 vn s appelle A.enhia, et
L autre Otchiondi huron adopt6 par Jean
Bap te Achioiiagras

i pour pleurer Les deux hurons Captifs
d Onnontage tile s par Les franjois, Lorsqu ils
les Voulurent retenir prisonniers: disant que
s ils eussent voulu attendre Gara Kontie ils
n auroient pas este maltraictes

2 pour ioindre sa voix a celle de Gannon-
chiase, afin de remercier Gara Kontie d auoir
ramene ses nepueux et d auoir fait de si beaux

pnts

3 pour signifier aux Anciens d Onnon-
tage, que s ils veulent rauoir Les Peres
(comme ils disent) qu ils nous amenent des
petites filles a mettre chez Les Meres Vrsu-
lines.

4. que Le Lieu du conseil sera Les 3
Riuieres.

On feit vn cinquiesme p nt a SoKenda ti
huron Captif d Onnei^t, qu on renuoia au pais
pour dire aux Anciens que Gand&ta re, Te
gannonchiogen, Agonnon rentonnion, Agan-

1 656 - 58] JO URN A L DES PP. JES UITES

117

informed us that the 2 hospital nuns had
arrived there safely.

14. The Ships of Captains Remon and Mademoiselle Mense
tadourneau sailed; on board one of them was goes to france.
Mademoiselle Mance.

15. Sister marie Marguerite de st. Jean
baptiste Bourdon made her profession.

On the 28th of September, Father Chau- September 28.
monnot gave presents at Montreal, by order
of Monsieur The Governor, to 2 Onnontage-
ronnons, who were sent back to their own
country. One was named A ( enhia; and The
other, Otchiondi, was a huron adopted by
Jean Baptiste Achionagras.

ist: To weep for The two huron Captives
of Onnontage killed by The french When
they Tried to detain them as prisoners,
saying that, if they had been willing to wait
for Gara kontie, they would not have been ill-
treated.

2nd: To unite his voice to that of Gannon-
chiase, in order to thank Gara kontie for hav
ing brought back his nephews, and for having
given such fine presents.

3rd: To inform the Elders of Onnontage
that, if they wish to get The Fathers back
again (as they say they do), they must bring
us little girls to be placed with The Ursuline
Mothers.

4th : That The Place of the council will be
at 3 Rivers.

A fifth present was given to Sokenda ti,
a huron Captive of Onneiout; he was sent
back to that country, to tell the Elders that

118 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 44

Octobre
Iraq, pris

Bastion au cap R.

3. forts:

Siller y t S. xavi.

cap rouge.

onze prison. Iraq,
echapez.

4. francois pris par
les Iraq.

nen raiesa, et Garhagonha pris aux 3 R viuent
20 trois Agnieronnons allans en guerre a
tadousac briserent leur canots an dessous de
la maison de Cousture ils furent contraints
de sy refugier, on en donna aduis a Mr le
gotmerneur qui les fit venir au fort La nuict.
On les mit auec autres prisoniers.

28 sur le soir parurent deuant le bastion
du cap rouge 7. Iroquois qui demanderent la
paix a nopce. et des nouuelles de leur gens
prisoniers a Kebec. Ils luy dirent qu ils
1 auroient tues sils 1 auoient voulu. Ils pri-
rent 4 ou 5 minots de pois dans la Grange de
Mr Gautier puis s en retournerent dans leur
canots de 1 autre bord a leur gens. . . .

29 Mr le gouuerneur fut a Sillery & au
fort st Xauier & au cap rouge accompagne de
25 francois & deux pp. pour voir si on decou-
uriroit quelque chose.

NOUEMBRE

8 Nous aprismes de Montreal par vn canot
arriue de la a Quebec, que les onze priso
niers d onontage s estoient echappes tous de
leur prison par la fenestre apres auoir rompu
deux barreaux de fer le 19 Octobre 1658.

10 nous aprismes des trois Riuieres par vn
canot arriue a quebec a 7 heures du matin :
que le 5 de ce mois douze Iroquois Agniero-
nons auoient pris 4 francois prisoniers, faisans
du foin de 1 autre bord de la Riuiere vis a vis

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

119

Gandouta re, Te gannonchiogen, Agonnon -
rentonnion, Agannen raiesa, and Garhagonha,
who were captured at 3 Rivers, are alive. 17

20. Three Agnieronnons, who were going
to war at Tadousac, broke their canoes below
Cousture s house, and were compelled to take
refuge there. Word was sent to Monsieur
the governor, who had them brought to The
fort at night. They were put with the other
prisoners.

28. In the evening, there appeared before
the bastion at cap rouge 7 Iroquois, who asked
nopce for peace, and for news of their people
who were prisoners in Kebec. They told him
that they could have killed him had they
wished to do so. They took 4 or 5 minots
of peas in Monsieur Gautier s Barn, and then
returned in their canoes to their people on
the other side.

29. Monsieur the governor went to Sillery,
to fort st. Xavier, and to cap rouge, accom
panied by 25 frenchmen and two fathers, to
see if anything could be discovered.

NOVEMBER.

8. We learned from Montreal, by a canoe
that arrived at Quebec from there, that the
eleven prisoners of onontage had all escaped
from their prison through the window, after
breaking two iron bars, on the igth of Octo
ber, 1658.

10. We learned from three Rivers, by a
canoe that arrived at quebec at 7 o clock in
the morning, that, on the 5th of this month,

October.
Iroquois captured.

Bastion at cap
Rouge.

3 forts :

Sillery, St. xavier,
and cap rouge.

Eleven Iroquois
prisoners escaped.

4/renchmen

captured by the

Iroquois.

quatre autres.

7. prisonniersfran.
ramenez par Les I.

120 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

des trois Riuieres. Puis quatre autres fran-
cois vers le lac S l pierre, qui retournoient de
la chasse. les dits Iroquois en renuoirent vn
des 8. prisoniers aux trois Riuieres pour ad-
uertir le Capitaine de leur prise, et de luy faire
scauoir qu ils menent les autres a Agnie pour
ne les ramener quau printemps auec les
anciens du pai s pour traitter de paix.

1 1 Prit 1 habit aux Vrsulines Marie dodier
soeur Conuerse.

20 Arriuerent six Agnieronons ambassa-
deurs auec le P le Moine qui estoit aux 3.
Riuieres a quebec et auec eux Vn Hollandois
de la Nouuelle Hollande pour les asseurer
que les francois ne leur feroient pas de mal.
leur dessein est de retirer leur gens prisoniers.
et de faire la paix auec tous (a ce qu ils
disent) Alguonquins, Et hurons Ils ont ra-
mene nos 7. francois prisoniers depuis 15
lours et les ont laissez en passant par les trois
Riuieres.

D abord on les conduisit au fort, ou Onnon-
tio leur feit 2. petits presents chascun d vne
grande brasse de pourc. Le premier pour
leur dessiller les yeux, et L autre pour Leur
nettoier Le gosier.

Ils respondirent tout sur le champ auec 3.
petits pr nts chascun d vne brasse. Le pre
mier pour essuier le sang, Le second pour
essuier les Larmes, Le 3 me . pour deboucher le
gosier.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

121

twelve Agnieronon Iroquois had taken prison
ers 4 frenchmen, who were making hay on
the other side of the River opposite three
Rivers; also, four other frenchmen toward
lake St. pierre, who were on their return from
hunting. The same Iroquois sent one of the
8 prisoners back to three Rivers to inform the
Captain of their capture ; and to tell them that
they were taking the others to Agnie, to
bring them back only in the spring, with the
elders of the country, to treat for peace.

1 1 . Marie dodier took the habit as a Lay
sister at the Ursulines . .

20. Six Agnieronon ambassadors arrived
at quebec with Father le Moine, who was at 3
Rivers ; and with them A Dutchman from New
Holland, to assure them that the french would
do them no harm. Their object is to obtain
the release of their people who are prisoners,
and to make peace, (so they say) with all
Alguonquins And hurons. They brought back
our 7 frenchmen, who have been taken pris
oners within the past 1 5 Days, and left them
as they passed by three Rivers. 18

In the first place, they were taken to the
fort, where Onnontio gave them 2 small pres
ents, each of a great brasse of porcelain beads.
The first was to open their eyes, and The
second to clear Their throats.

They replied at once with 3 small presents,
each of a brasse. The first, to wash away
blood; The second, to wipe away Tears; The
3rd, to clear the throat.

They asked to speak on the following day ;

Four others,

7 french prisoners

brought back by

The Iroquois.

122 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Us demanderent a parler le lendemain on
leur respondit, qu on les vouloit laisser reposer
Le Lendemain, mais qu apres Le Lendemain
on Les escouteroit, ils s y accorderent.

P nts des Iroquois Te Garihogen &c.
deputez des 3. 22 i Onnontio tu nous as enuoi6 dire, que

nations, des ours, des ^ n(ms voulois parler, nous auons escoute ta
Loups, de La tortue. .

voix, toutes nos 3 nations sc. des Ours, des

Loups et de la tortue, nvf ont enuoy6 c est de
leur part que ie parle.

2 Ie ne S9ais ce que c est d en chaisner
Les hommes, ie te prie Onnontio de ietter
tes fers et tes menottes.

3. I ay ramene" tes 7. Nepueux, qu on
emmenoit en mon pais.

4. Ie remets le soleil, pour esclairer le
fond de nos pensees.

presents des 5. Ie te remercie de ce que tu me fais

Saw ages. reuoir mes nepueux.

6 Ie suis femme et porte sur ma queue de
cheueux les hurons et Algonquins.

7 nous sommes 7 nations allie"es le
sonnont&erronnon L oiogtfen, L onnontager,
Le franfois de Gannentaa, L onnei&t, L An-
niege, Le Mahingan et Iholandois ne te
retires pas de n re alliance.

8 Tous nos allies m ont depute, pour
venir querir ta pense*e.

9 Ie raccommode La riuiere, nous et nos
enfants y pourrons doresnauant nauiger en
paix.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES

123

they were told in answer that we wished to
let them rest on The Morrow; but that, on
The Day after, we would listen to Them. To
this they agreed.

Presents of the Iroquois, Te Garihogen and
others,

22. ist: " Onnontio, thou hast sent word
to us that thou wishest to speak to us. We
have listened to thy voice ; all our 3 nations
namely, of the Bears, of the Wolves, and of
the turtle have sent us. It is on their be
half that I speak."

2nd: " I know not what it is to chain men.
I beg thee, Onnontio, to cast away thy irons
and thy fetters."

3rd : " I have brought back thy 7 Nephews,
who were being taken to my country."

4th: " I replace the sun, to enlighten the
depths of our thoughts."

5th: "I thank thee that thou makest me
see my nephews again."

6th: " I am a woman, and carry the hurons
and Algonquins upon my braid of hair.

7th: " We are 7 allied nations, The son-
nontwerronnon, The oiogwen, The onnonta-
geronnon, The frenchman of Gannentaa, The
onneiout, The Anniege, The Mahingan, and
the dutchman. Withdraw not from our
alliance."

8th : All our allies have deputed me to
come and get thy opinion."

9th : Again I put The river in order ; we
and our children will hereafter be able to
navigate it in peace."

Envoys of the 3

nations, of the

bears, of the Wolves,

and of The turtle.

Presents of the
Savages.

124 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Voi,. 44

10 Otsindia/on sc. le Cap ne . de la nouuelle
holande est compagnon de mon ambassade.

1 1 Onnontio et moy depuis 5 ans que nous
auons La paix nous nous tenons par le bras.

12 II arriue d ordinaire des troubles parmy
Les allies de differentes nations

L onneitft mon enfant a cause les differens
que nous auons vu a demesler, mais il a
rendu Les 3 fran9oises qu il auoit pris aux 3
Riuieres.

Le printemps vous reuerrez celuy qu il nous
auoit mis entre Les mains pour vous rame-
ner, il est a La nouuelle holande.

1 3 Quant aux 5 Onneib t que Vous tenes es
fers ie ne dis pas que vous me les rendies, ie
Vous prie seulem*. de les dechaisner.

14 Ie remets a Vous de chercher Les
moyens d establir vne bonne paix.

15 I assigne mon pai s d Anniege pour le
lieu du conseil ou i assembleray toutes nos
nations, ie te prie Onnontio de bien parler a
ce que ie ne sois point honteux de reporter ta
Voix

1 6 Ie te prie de nous donner des canots
pour nous en retourner et quelques fusils pour
tuer des bestes pour nous nourrir sur les
chemins.

Remerciement d Onnontio a ces 16 p nts .

Presens des 2$ i il donna 6 capots et vne piece d es-

Loffe de 2 ausnes aux Ambassadeurs.
2 il remercia pour les 4 premieres p nts .

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 125

i oth: " Otsindiakhon, namely, the Captain
of new holland, is my companion in this
embassy."

nth: " Onnontio and myself, during the 5
years in which we have had peace, have held
each other by the arm.

1 2th: Usually troubles arise among The
allies of various nations.

" The onneiout, my child, has been the
cause of the difficulties that we have had to
settle ; but he has given up The 3 frenchmen
whom he had taken at 3 Rivers.

In the spring, you will see again him
whom they had placed into Our hands that
we might bring him back to you ; he is in
new holland."

1 3th: "As to the 5 Onneiouts whom You
keep in irons, I do not tell you to give them
up to me; I only beg You to unchain them."

i4th: " I leave You to seek The means of
establishing a firm peace."

1 5th: I appoint my country of Anniege
as the place of the council, at which I shall
gather all our nations. I beg thee, Onnontio,
to speak well, so that I may not be ashamed
to carry back thy Voice.

1 6th: "I request thee to give us some
canoes in which we may return, and some
guns with which we may kill animals for food
on the way."

Onnontio s thanks for those 16 presents.

25. ist: He gave 6 coats and a piece of Presents of the
stuff 2 ells in length to the Ambassadors. french.

2nd: With a handsome collar, he thanked

126 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

particulierement de ce qu ils auoient ramene"
nos 7 fran9ois, d un beau collier.

3 il remercia d un autre collier pour Les
4 autres p nts notamment pour celuy qui disoit
qu ils nous regardoient encore comme leur
allies.

4 il remercia des 4 autres suiuants auec un
collier, s arrestant sur ce qu il auoit pris Le
holandois pour son Aduocat enuers nous.

5 il remercie des 4 derniers auec un autre
collier, Leur raccontant coe Les Onnei^t
s estoient trop hastes de venir icy has deuant
qu on sceut La venue de Gara Kontie qui
auoit ramen6 Les 2 frangois a Montreal (cela
est faux

Presents d Onnontio a porter dans le pais

des Iroquois.

presens, qu on l Onnontio parle au nom des franjois,

enuoie au loin. hurons, et Algonquins il est venu de france

pour procurer La paix par toutes ces contrees

a ce que L entree soit libre aux Predicateurs

de L euangile.

2 puisque Vous me remettes Les moyens
de la paix, n en voicy un que ie trouue le P.
ondesonK ira en v re pais pour traicter de la
paix auec toutes Vos nations.

3 L Algonquin ira ce printemps en am-
bassade chez Vous, il n a rien pour le p nt a
donner aux Ambassadeurs qu il enuoieroit.

4 Ie suis marry que v re ieunesse n est plus
obeissante, ie Vous rendrois tous Vos nepueux,

1656 - 58] JO URN A L DES PP. JES UITES 127

them for the first 4 presents, especially because
they had brought back our 7 frenchmen.

3rd: With another collar he gave thanks
for The 4 other presents, especially for that
which said that they still looked upon us as
their allies.

4th : He gave thanks for the next 4 presents
with a collar, dwelling on the fact that he had
taken The dutchman as his Advocate with us.

5th : He gave thanks for the 4 last presents
with another collar, explaining to Them how
The Onneiouts had been too hasty in coming
down here before there was news of The
coming of Gara kontie, who had brought back
The 2 frenchmen to Montreal. (This is in
correct.)

Onnontio s presents to be carried into the
country of the Iroquois.

ist: " Onnontio speaks in the name of the Presents that are
french, the hurons, and the Algonquins. He sent
has come from france to procure peace through
out all these countries, so that the Preachers
of The gospel may have free access to them."

2nd: " Since You leave to me The means
of securing peace, here is one that I find.
Father ondesonk will go to your country to
negotiate peace with all Your nations."

3rd: " The Algonquin will go next spring
on an embassy to Your country. At present,
he has nothing to give to the Ambassadors
whom he would send."

4th : " I am sorry that your young men are
not more obedient. I would give You back
all Your nephews; but the little faithfulness

128 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

mais leur pen de fidelite me contraint de rete-
nir 4 de vos gens pour asseurer La Vie du
Pere qui va auec Vous.

5 le ne veux pas La paix pour deux ou
trois ans, ie La veux eternelle, le moyen de
1 auoir eternelle est de mesler n re pais auec
le v re Venez done habiter parmy nous et
nous auec vous & au moins amenez nous
des filles quand vous viendres requerir Vos
Nepueux.

6 I essuie Le sang respandu aux 3 Ri-
uieres et a Montreal. Arquebuse

7 I oste Les fers aux Onnei^t et en renuoie
vn d iceux auec Vous a ce que GarontagHann
sgache que ie suis meilleur Pere qu il n est
enfant.

8 Ie detourne la bouche de Vos armes a
feu du corps des homines et la tourne du
coste des bestes. Arquebuse

9 Ayez soin du P ondesonK. du plomb et
de la poudre

10 On assemblera toutes Les nations pour
escouter ma Voix de la bouche d OndesonK.

Apres ces p nts Te Garihogen fit les 2
suiuants

1 Ie iette au fonds de la terre tous les
reproches mutuels &c qu on n en parle plus.

2 Ie prie Onnontio d auoir soin des 4.
ostages qu il retient.

26 Vne partie des Agnieronons et les
prison iers relachez partirent pour leur pai s.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 129

that they show compels me to keep 4 of your
people here, to assure The Life of the Father
who goes with You.

5th: " I do not wish peace for two or three
years only, I desire an eternal peace ; and the
way to make it eternal is to unite our country
with yours. Come, therefore, and dwell
among us, and we will dwell with you ; and,
at least, bring us girls when you come to get
Your Nephews."

6th: " I wipe away The blood shed at 3
Rivers and at Montreal." An Arquebus.

7th : " I remove The irons from the Onnei-
outs, and send back one of them with You,
that Garontagwann may know that I am a
better Father than he is a child."

8th: " I turn away the muzzles of Your
firearms from the bodies of men, and turn
them toward animals. " An Arquebus.

9th: " Take care of Father ondesonk."
Some lead and powder.

loth: " All The nations shall be gathered
together, to hear my Voice from the mouth of
Ondesonk."

After these presents, Te Garihogen gave
the 2 following,

ist: "I cast into the depths of the earth all
mutual reproaches, etc. Let us speak no
more of them."

2nd: " I beg Onnontio to take care of the 4
hostages whom he detains."

26. A portion of the Agnieronons, and
the released prisoners, started for their own
country.

130 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

DECEMBRE

Noe l La messe de minuit fut dite a la paroisse

auec grande solemnite sans beaucoup de froid
dans 1 eglise, quoy que la saison fut extre-
mem 1 froide.

1656-58] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 131

DECEMBER.

Midnight mass was celebrated in the parish Christmas.
church with great solemnity. It was not
very cold in the church, although the season
was an extremely severe one.

XCVIII

RELATION OF 1

PARIS: SEBAST1EN CRAMOISY, 1659

SOURCE: We follow a copy of the original (H. 112), in
Lenox Library.

r

RELATION

DE CE QVI. S EST PASSE

DE PLVS REM ARQVASLE

VX MISSIONS DES PP.
dc la Compagnie de I E s v s

E N

LA NOVVELLE FRANCE,

es annees

A PARIS,

Chez SEBASTIEN CR

primeur du Roy &<Je laReme

M. DC LIX.

RELATION

OF WHAT OCCURRED
MOST REMARKABLE

IN THE MISSIONS OF THE FATHERS

of the Society of J E s u s

IN

NEW FRANCE,
in the years 1657 and 1658.

PARIS,

SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Printer to
the King and Queen.

M. DC. LIX.

BY ROYAL LICENSE.

138 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Avant-Propos.

CEVX qui s inter effent dans la conuerfion des Sau-
uages de la Nouuelle France, feront bien-aifes de
lire, en cette Relation, quelques Chapitres, tirez
des lettres, & des memoir es, qu on a enuoyez cette anne e;
mais non pas en fi grand nombre que nous attendions.
Les chemins font fe longs, & Ji incertains, fur la mer, &
fur la terre, que c esl, quajl vn petit miracle, quand rien
ne s e gare, & ne fe perd, deschofesqui nous font adrefte es.
Le peu qu on a receu, fait voir que le Demon preuoit
quelque grand bien dans ces contrees pour la gloire du Fils
de Dieu, puifquil continue fes perfecutions, & fes
tempejles de tous coftez. Aufti-toft que nous auons eu les
armes en la main, c eft a dire la connoiffance des Langues
pour le combattre, & pour faire connoiftre I E S V S -
CHRIST: aufti-toft les Demons fe font oppofez. Us
ont fufcite" d 1 horribles calomnies centre nous: on nous a
pris pour des Impofteurs, pour des Sorciers, pour des
Magiciens, pour des Gens qui faifoient geler, & mourir
les bleds; qui empoifonnoient les riuieres, qui caufoient les
maladies, & qui tuoient les hommes. On nous a en fuite
maffacrez, on nous a brujlez, grillez, roftis, & mangez tout
vifs. On a fait le mefme traitement aux Neophytes, qui
auoient receu lESVS-CHRlST. Cette fureur continue
tous les tours centre nous: mais quoyl venit hora, vt
omnis qui interficit vos, arbitretur obfequium fe
prseftare Deo: Uheure, & le temps eft venu, qu on croit
rendre vn ban feruice a Dieu, de nous perfecuter. Non

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657-58 139

Preface.

THOSE who take an interest in the conversion of the
Savages of New France will be glad to read, in
this Relation, some Chapters gleaned from the
letters and memoirs which have been sent us this year,
although not in such numbers as we expected. The
journeys, by sea and land, are so long and uncertain, that
it is a little miracle when none of the missives addressed
to us go astray and are lost. What scanty intelligence we
have received shows us that the Evil One foresees, in those
countries, some great advantage for the glory of the Son
of God, since he continues his persecutions and his storms
on all sides. No sooner have we arms in our hands
that is, an acquaintance with the Languages for com
bating him and spreading a knowledge of J E S U S
CHRIST, than we are confronted by the Demons. They
have started dreadful calumnies against us; we have been
taken for Impostors, Sorcerers, Magicians, and for Men
who make the grain crops freeze and die, who poison the
rivers, cause diseases, and kill the people. Then we were
murdered, burned, broiled, roasted, and eaten alive. The
same treatment was shown to the Neophytes who had re
ceived JESUS CHRIST. This rage against us contimies
daily; but what of that ? Venit hora ut omnis qui
interficit vos arbitretur obsequium se prsestare Deo
4 The hour and the time are come when men think that
they render a good service to God by persecuting us."
Non est discipulus super magistrum, necservus super
dominum suum : sufficit discipulo ut sit sicut magister

140 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

eft difcipulus fuper magiftrum, nee feruus fuper
dominum f uum : fufficit difcipulo, vt fit ficut magifter
eius, & feruo ficut dominus eius. Le difciple n eft
pas plus grand que fon maiftre, ny le valet que fon
feigneur. Ce nous eft vne grande gloire, de porter les
Uurtes de noftre Chef, & de noftre Capitaine: mais entrons
en difcours.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-38 141

ejus, et servo sicut dominus ejus "The disciple is
not above the master, nor the servant above his lord." It
is a great glory for us to wear the livery of our Chief and
Captain. But let us begin our narrative.

142 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Table des Chapitres.

Chap. I. T~~N V retour de nos Peres & de nos
_J Francois du pais des Onnonta-

gueronnons. . . .1

Lettre du Pere Paul Ragueneau, au Reuerend
P. lacques Renault Prouincial de la
Compagnie de lefus en la Prouince de
France. . . . . 9 [i.e., 6]

Chap. II. De Vindujlrie & du courage de nos

Francois dans leur retraite d 1 Onnontague 1 . . 20
Lettre du P. Paul Ragueneau au P. Procureur
des Mifiions de la Compagnie de lefus en
la Nouuelle France. . . .22

Chap. III. lournal de ce qui s eft pafte entre les

Francois & les Sauuages. . . .29

Chap. IV. Continuation du lournal. . . 44

Chap. V. Diuers chemins du Canadas a la mer
du Nord. Les noms de plufieurs Nations
nouuellement decouuertes. . . .70

Chemins a la mer du Nord. . . .74

Noms de plufieurs Nations decouuertes depuis

peu. . . . -79

Chap. VI. De la mort d vne ieune Huronne

Religieufe Hofpitaliere.

Chap. VIII. [i.e., Vli.] De la diuerfite" des attions,
& des faqons de faire des Francois, ou des
Europeans, & des Sauuages. . . .103

Chap. VIII. Quelques nouuelles arriutes par le
dernier vaiffeau. . .

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-38 143

Table of Chapters.

Chap. I. C~^\^ ^ ie return of our Fathers and
\^J our Frenchmen from the country

of the Onnontagueronnons. . I
Letter from Father Paul Ragueneau to Rever
end Father Jacques Renault, Provincial of
the Society of Jesus in the Province of
France. . . .9 [i.e., 6]

Chap. II. Of our Frenchmen s dexterity and

courage in their retreat from Onnontague". . 2O
Letter from Father Paul Ragueneau to the
Father Procurer for the Missions of the
Society of Jesus in New France. . 22

Chap. III. Journal of what occurred between the

French and the Savages. . . .29

Chap. IV. Continuation of the Journal. . . 44

Chap. V. Different routes from Canadas to the
North sea. The names of many recently-
discovered Nations. . . . .70

Routes to the North sea. . . .74

Names of many recently-discovered Nations. . 79
Chap. VI . Of the death of a young Huron Hospital

Nun. . . . . .88

CHAP. vill. [i.e., VII.] Of the difference between
the manners and customs of the French, or the
Europeans, and those of the Savages. . .103

Chap. vill. Some news brought by the latest vessel. 130

144 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Permifsion du R. P. Prouincial.

NOVS JACQUES RENAVLT, Prouincial de la
Compagnie de IESVS en la Prouince de France,
auons accorde pour 1 auenir au fieur SEBAS-
TIEN CRAMOISY, Marchand Libraire, Imprimeur
ordinaire du Roy & de la Reine, Diredteur de 1 Im-
primerie Royale du Louure, Bourgeois & ancien
Efcheuin de cette ville de Paris, f Impreftion des Rela
tions de la Nouuelle France. Donne" a Paris au mois
de Decembre 1658.

Signe", IACQVES RENAVLT.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 145

Permission of the Reverend Father Provincial.

WE, JACQUES RENAULT, Provincial of the
Society of JESUS in the Province of France,
have, for the future, awarded to sieur
SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Bookseller, Printer in
ordinary to the King and Queen, Director of the
Royal Printing-house of the Louvre, Citizen and
former Alderman of this city of Paris, the Printing of
the Relations of New France, Given at Paris, in the
month of December, 1658.

Signed, JACQUES RENAULT.

146 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

Extrait du Priuilege du Roy.

PAR grace & Priuilege du Roy, il eft permis a
SEBASTIENCRAMOISY, Marchand Libraire
Iur6 en 1 Vniuerfite de Paris, Imprimeur ordi
naire du Roy & de la Reine, Diredteur de 1 Impri-
merie Royale du Louure : Bourgeois & ancien Efche-
uin de Paris, d imprimer ou faire imprimer, vendre
& debiter vn Liure intitule", La Relation de ce qui s eft
pajjfe en la Miftion des Peres de la Compagnie de I E S V S
au pats de la Nouuelle France e~s anne es 1657. & 1658. &
ce pendant le temps & efpace de dix annees confecu-
tiues ; auec def enf es a tous Libraires, Imprimeurs, &
autres, d imprimer, ou faire imprimer ledit Liure,
fous pretexte de deguifement ou changement qu ils
y pourroient faire, aux peines porte"es par ledit
Priuilege. Donne a Lion au mois de Decembre
1658. Signe, Par le Roy en fon Confeil.

1656 - 58J RELA TION OF 1657 -/<? 147

Extract from the Royal License.

BY grace and License of the King, permission is
granted to SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Book
seller under Oath in the University of Paris,
Printer in ordinary to the King and Queen, Director
of the Royal Printing-house of the Louvre, Citizen
and former Alderman of Paris, to print or cause to
be printed, sold, and retailed, a Book entitled, La
Relation de ce qui s est passe en la Mission des Peres de la
Compagnie de J E S U S au pais de la Nouvelle France <?s
ann/es 1657. et 1658. And this during the time and
period of ten consecutive years; forbidding, under
the penalties imposed by said License, all Book
sellers, Printers, and others, to print or cause to be
printed the said Book, under pretext of any disguise
or change that they might make therein. Given at
Lion [Lyons], in the month of December, 1658.
Signed, By the King in his Council.

148 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

[i] Relation de ce qvi s eft paffe en la Miffion des

Peres de laCompagnie de IESVS aux pai s de la

Nouuelle France, depuis 1 Efte de 1 annee

16^7. iufques a 1 Efte de 1 annee 1658.

CHAPITRE I.

DU RETOUR DE NOS PERES & DE NOS FRANCOIS DU
PAIS DES ONNONTAGUERONNONS.

ENCORE qu il foit vray que les Iroquois foient
fubtils, adroits, & de grands fourbes; ie ne
fgaurois neantmoins me perfuader qu ils ayent
tant d efprit [2] & tant de conduite, & qu ils foient fi
grands politiques, que pour perdre les Fran9ois, les
Hurons, les Algonquins, & leurs Alliez, ils fe foient
feruis des rufes,& des intrigues qu on leur impute.

Ils ont preffe plufieurs annees auec des inftances
incroyables, auec des temoignages, d vne affedtion
tres-particuliere, & mefme auec des menaces de rup
ture & de guerre, fi on meprifoit leur amide", & fi on
rebutoit leur demande : ils ont, dis-ie, preff 6 & prie"
que pour marque de paix & d alliance auec eux, vn
bon nombre de Frangois montaft en leur pai s, les
vns pour les inftruire, & les autres pour les proteger
centre leurs ennemis.

Les Agneronnons voulant trauerfer ce deffein, ils fe
font battus les vns centre les autres, iufques k foiiiller
la terre de fang & de meurtre. Quelques-vns croyent

1656-58] RELATION OF I&S7-SS 149

[i] Relation of what occurred in the Mission of the

Fathers of the Society of J E s u S in the country

of New France, from the Summer of the year

16^7 to the Summer of the year 16^8.

CHAPTER I.

OF THE RETURN OF OUR FATHERS AND OUR FRENCHMEN
FROM THE COUNTRY OF THE ONNONTAGUERONNONS.

TRUE though it be that the Iroquois are subtle,
adroit, and arrant knaves, yet I cannot per
suade myself that they possess so much intel
ligence [2] and address, and are such great politi
cians, as to employ, for the sake of destroying the
French, Hurons, Algonquins, and their Allies, the
subterfuges and intrigues imputed to them.

For several years they solicited with incredible
urgency, with marks of very special affection, and
even with threats of rupture and war if their friend
ship were slighted, and their request rejected, they
urged, I say, and begged that, as a sign of peace and
alliance with them, a goodly number of Frenchmen
should go up to their country some to instruct them,
and others to protect them against their enemies.

As the Agneronnons were bent on thwarting this
design, the two sides fought with each other until
the ground was stained with blood and murder.
Some believe that all this was a mere feint to mask
their game the better; but, it seems to me, the game

150 LES RELATIONS DES js UITES [VOL. 44

que tout cela fe faifoit par feinte, pour mieux cacher
leur ieu: mais il me femble que le ieu n eft gueres
agreable, ou il y va du fang & de la vie; ie doute fort
que la politique Iroquoife puifle aller [3] iufques la, &
que des Barbares qui ont peu de dependance les vns des
autres, puiff ent cacher fi long-temps leurs intrigues.

Ie croy pluftoft que les Iroquois Onnontagueron-
nons demandoient des Frangois auec fincerite, mais
les vns auec des veues bien differentes des autres.
Les Anciens fe voyant engagez dans de grandes
guerres centre quantite de Nations qu ils auoient
prouoquees, demandoient des Hurons, comme des
gens qui pouuoient groffir leurs troupes; ils fouhai-
toient des Fra^ois pour tirer d eux des armes a feu,
& pour raccommoder celles qui fe romperoient. De
plus. Comme les Agneronnons les traitoient quel-
quesfois affez mal, lors qu ils paffoient par leurs Bour-
gades pour aller trafiquer auec les Hollandois; ils
vouloient fortir de cette dependance, en ouurant le
commerce auec les Francois. Ce n eft pas tout, les
armes eftant iournalieres, ils demandoient que nos
Francois fiffent vn grand Fort en leur pai s, pour
leur feruir de retraite, ou du moins a leurs f emmes &
a leurs enfans, en cas [4] que leurs ennemis les pref-
faffent de trop pr6s. Voila les veues des politiques
Iroquois. Le commun peuple ne penetroit pas fi
auant: la curiofite de voir des Strangers venus de fl
loing, 1 efperance d en retirer quelque petit emolu
ment leur donnoit enuie de les voir: mais les
Hurons Chreftiens & captifs parmy ces peuples, &
ceux qui approuuoient leur vie, & les difcours qu ils
tenoient quelquefois de noftre creance, ne refpiroient
rien tant au monde que la venue des Predicateurs de

1 656 - 58] R EL A TION OF 1637 -58 1 51

is hardly a pleasant one in which bloodshed and
human lives are involved, and I greatly doubt
whether Iroquois policy can go [3] so far, and whether
Barbarians, who have little dependence on one an
other, can so long conceal their intrigues.

I rather believe that the Onnontagueronnon
Iroquois were sincere in asking for Frenchmen, but
their views in doing so were widely different. The
Elders, finding themselves involved in great wars
against many Nations whom they had provoked,
asked for some Hurons, as for men who could swell
their forces ; while they desired some of the French
for the sake of obtaining firearms from them,
and having them mend such as should be broken.
Furthermore, as the Agneronnons sometimes treated
them rather roughly when they passed through their
Villages to go and trade with the Dutch, they wished
to free themselves from this dependence by opening
commerce with the French. And that is not all.
As they were constantly at war, they asked our
Frenchmen to build a large Fort in their country, to
serve as a retreat for themselves, or at least for their
wives and children, in case [4] their enemies should
press them too hard. Such were the views of the
Iroquois politicians. The common people did not
penetrate so far ; curiosity to see strangers from such
a distance, and the hope of realizing some little
personal gain from them, inspired a desire for their
coming. But the Christian Hurons captive among
these people, and those who approved their lives and
the discourses which they sometimes held on our
faith, longed for nothing in the world so much as
for the coming of the Preachers of the Gospel, who
had caused them to be born again in Jesus Christ.

152 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

1 Euangile, qui les ancient engendrez a lefus-Chrift.
Mais fi-toft que les Capitaines & les Anciens fe
font vens maiftres de leurs ennemis, ayant dompte
tontes les Nations qn ils anoient attaque*es; fi-toft
qu ils ont cren qne rien ne pounoit plus refifter a leurs
armes, le reffouenir des torts qu ils pretendent auoir
autrefois receus des Hurons, la gloire de triompher
des Europeans, auffi-bien que des Americains, leur a
fait prendre la refolution de fe venger des vns, & de
perdre les autres; fi bien qu a mefme temps qu ils
virent la nation de Chat [5] qu ils redoutoient, fubiu-
guee par leurs armes, & par les forces des Sonnon-
toueronnons leurs Alliez, ils auroient fait main-baffe
fur tous les Franyois d Onnontague, n eftoit qu ils
pretendoient fe feruir d eux, comme d vne amorce
pour attirer quelques Hurons, &les maffacrer comme
Us ont fait. Et fi de"s lors la confideration de quelques-
vns de leurs gens qui eftoient demeurez a Kebec, ne
les euft arreftez, le chemin d Onnontague euft feruy
de tombeau aux Franyois, auffi-bien qu aux Hurons,
comme il fe verra cy-apres. Depuis ce temps-la,
nos Gens ayant decouuert leur confpiration, & re-
connu que leur mort eftoit conclue, penferent a leur
retraite, dont il fera par!6 dans la lettre fuiuante.

[6] LETTRE ,DU PERE PAUL RAGUENEAU, AU REUEREND

PERE IACQUES RENAULT PROUINCIAL DE LA COM-

PAGNIE DE IESUS EN LA PROUINCE DE FRANCE.

Pax Chrifti.

MON R. PERE,
La prefente eft pour informer V. R. que nous
voilk de retour de la Miffion des Iroquois, chargez de

1656 - 58] R EL A TION OF 1657 -58 153

But as soon as the Captains and Elders saw
themselves masters of their enemies, having subdued
all the Nations whom they had attacked ; as soon as
they believed that nothing could further withstand
their arms the remembrance of the wrongs which
they claimed to have suffered from the Hurons in
times past, and the glory of triumphing over Euro
peans as well as Americans, made them resolve to
wreak vengeance on the latter, and to destroy the
former. Consequently, as soon as they saw the Cat
nation, [5] of whom they stood in fear, subdued by
their arms and by the forces of the Sonnontoueron-
nons, their Allies, they would have laid violent hands
on all the French at Onnontague, had they not
intended to use them as a bait to attract some of the
Hurons, whom they purposed to murder, as they
have done. And if, at that time, regard for some of
their own number who had remained at Kebec had
not stayed their hands, the road from Onnontague"
would have served as a tomb for the French as well
as for the Hurons, as will be shown hereafter. From
that time our People, having discovered their
conspiracy and recognized that their own death was
resolved upon, took thought about making their
retreat, as will be related in the following letter.

[6] LETTER FROM FATHER PAUL RAGUENEAU TO REVER
END FATHER JACQUES RENAULT, PROVINCIAL OF THE
SOCIETY OF JESUS IN THE PROVINCE OF FRANCE.

Pax Christi,

MY REVEREND FATHER,
This is to inform Your Reverence that we have
returned from the Iroquois Mission laden with some

154 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

quelques depouilles remport6es fur 1 Enfer. Nous
portons entre nos mains plus de cinq cens enfans, &
quantite d adultes, pour la plufpart morts apres le
Baptefme. Nous auons r6tably la Foy & la piete"
dans les coeurs d vne pauure Eglife captiue, dont nous
auions iette les premiers fondemens au pai s des
Hurons. Nous auons public 1 Euangile a toutes les
nations Iroquoifes; de forte que deformais elles
feront fans excufe, & Dieu fera pleinement iuftifie 1
fur elles au grand iour du lugement.

Le Diable enrag6 de nous voir faire [7] vne fi belle
moiflon, & ioui r fi pleinement des fruits de noftre
entreprife, s eft feruy de 1 inconftance des Iroquois,
pour nous chaffer du centre de fes Eftats: car ces
Barbares, fans autre fuiet que pour fuiure leur
humeur volage, ont repris la guerre centre les Fran-
$ois, dont les premiers coups ont efte de"chargez fur
nos bons Chreftiens Hurons, qui montoient auec nous
a Onnontague", fur la fin de 1 Efle dernier, & qui
furent cruellement maffacrez entre nos bras, & dans
noftre fein, par la plus infigne trahifon qui fe puiffe
imaginer. Us firent en fuite leurs pauures femmes
captiues, & mefme en bruflerent quelques-vnes a
petit feu, auec leurs enfans de trois & quatre ans.

Cette fanglante execution a efte fuiuie du meurtre
de trois Fra^ois a Montreal, par les Onneiotchron-
nons, qui enleuerent leurs cheuelures, & les porte-
rent comme en triomphe dans leurs bourgades, pour
marque de guerre declaree.

Ce coup d ho ftilite" barbare ayant oblig6 M r Daille-
bouft, commandant [8] pour lors en ce pai s, de faire
arrefter & mettre aux fers a Montreal, aux trois
Riuieres & a Quebec, vne douzaine d Iroquois, qui

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -5& 155

spoils wrested from the powers of Hell. We bear
in our hands more than five hundred children, and
many adults, most of whom died after Baptism. We
have restored Faith and piety in the hearts of a
poor captive Church, whose first foundations we had
laid in the country of the Hurons. We have pro
claimed the Gospel to all the Iroquois nations, so
that henceforth they will be inexcusable, and God
will be fully justified in his conduct toward them on
the great Judgment-day.

The Devil, enraged at seeing us reap [7] so fair a
harvest, and enjoy so fully the fruits of our under
taking, made use of the Iroquois fickleness to expel
us from the heart of his Estates. For those Bar
barians, without other cause than their own restless
humor, resumed war against the French. They also
inflicted the first blow on our good Huron Christians
who, toward the end of last Summer, were going
with us up to Onnontague", and who, by the most
flagrant treachery imaginable, were cruelly murdered
in our very arms and bosom. Their poor wives were
then made prisoners ; and some were even burnt at
slow fires, together with their children three and four
years of age.

This bloody execution was followed by the mur
der of three Frenchmen at Montreal, by the Onnei-
otchronnons, who took their scalps and bore them in
triumph into their villages, in sign of a declaration
of war.

This stroke of barbarous cruelty compelled Mon
sieur Dailleboust, then in command [8] over this
country, to order to be arrested and put in irons, at
Montreal, three Rivers, and Quebec, a dozen Iro
quois partly Onnontagueronnons, but mostly Agni-

156 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

pour lors s y eftoient rencontrez, partie Onnonta-
gueronnons, & la plufpart Agnieronnons. L vne &
1 autre nation Iroquoife fut irrite"e de cette detention
de leurs gens, pretendant qu elle eftoit inique: &
pour s en venger cruellement, ils conuoquerent vn
confeil fecret, ou ils formerent le deffein d vne
guerre implacable centre les Francois : toutesfois ils
iugerent a propos de diffimuler pour quelque temps,
iufques a ce que par le renuoy du Pere Simon le
Moyne, qui eftoit pour lors a Agniegue, ils euffent
obtenu la deliurance de leurs Gens, qui eftoient aux
fers; faifant leur compte qu incontinent apres ils
dechargeroient les premiers coups de leur fureur fur
nous autres Frangois qui eftions a Onnontague, au
nombre de cinquante a foixante, engagez au coeur de
leur pai s, comme dans vne prifon, d ou ils croyoient
qu il nous eftoit impoffible de fortir.

Ils eurent mefme la veue dans ce [9] Confeil, qu en
nos perfonnes ils auroient de precieux oftages, foit
pour retirer par echange ceux de leurs Gens qui
eftoient dans nos prifons, foit pour obtenir tout ce
qu il leur plairoit, lors qu a la veue de nos habita
tions Francoifes ils nous feroient fentir les effets de
leur cruaute" : & fans doute que ces fpedtacles pleins
d horreur, & que les cris lugubres de quarante &
cinquante Frangois innocens auroient touche" de
compaffion, & auroient mis en peine le Gouuerneur &
les habitans de quelque place que ce fuft.

Nous ne fgauions ces mal-heureux deffeins des
Iroquois que dans le fecret: mais nous voyions
ouuertement leurs efprits preparez a la guerre; &
des le mois de Feurier diuerfes bandes fe mettoient
en campagne pour ce"t effet, 200. Agnieronnons d vne

1 656 - 58] R EL A TION OF 1637 -58 157

eronnons who chanced to be in those places at the
time. Both of these Iroquois nations became irritated
at this detention of their men, claiming that it was
unjust; and, in order to take cruel vengeance, they
convoked a secret council, in which they formed a
plan of implacable warfare against the French.
Nevertheless, they deemed it expedient to dissimu
late for some time, until, by sending back Father
Simon le Moyne, who was then at Agniegue, they
should have gained the release of their own Men,
who were in irons. They counted on venting imme
diately after this, the chief force of their fury upon
us Frenchmen who were at Onnontague, to the
number of fifty or sixty, imprisoned, as it were, in
the very heart of their country, whence they believed
it impossible for us to escape.

They even held the view, at this [9] Council, that
in our persons they would hold precious hostages,
whether for recovering by exchange those of their
own Number who were in our prisons, or for obtain
ing anything that they might desire when, in plain
view of our French settlements, they should make
us feel the effects of their cruelty. Undoubtedly,
sights like these and so fraught with horror, together
with the doleful cries of forty or fifty innocent
Frenchmen, would have touched with compassion
and placed in a difficult position the Governor and
the inhabitants of any place whatever.

We knew only in secret these wretched schemes
of the Iroquois, but saw openly their minds prepared
for war. As early as the month of February, various
companies took the field for this purpose 200
Agnieronnons on one hand, and 40 Onneiotchronnons
on another, while some troops from Onnontague" had

158 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

part, 40. Onneiotchronnons d vne autre, & quel-
ques troupes d Onnontague auoient defia pris le
deuant, pendant que le gros de 1 armee s amafferoit.

Nous ne pouuions pas ef perer, humainement parlant,
pouuoir tirer de ces dangers qui nous enuironnoient
[10] de toutes parts, vne cinquantaine de Francois
qui nous auoient confi6 leurs vies, & dont nous nous
fentions refponfables deuant Dieu & deuant les
hommes. Ce qui nous mettoit plus en peine, n eftoit
pas tant les feux dans lefquels vne partie de nos
Fran9ois deuoient eftre iettez, comme la captiuite
malheureufe a laquelle plufieurs d entre-eux eftoient
deftinez par les Iroquois, & ou le falut de leurs ames
eftoit bien plus a plaindre, que la perte de leurs
corps. C eft ce que la plufpart apprehendoient plus
viuement, qui fe voyant defia comme captifs, fouhai-
toient les coups de hache, ou mefme les feux, pluftoil
que cette captiuite. Us eftoient mefme refolus, pour
n en venir a ce malheur extreme, de tenter tout, &
de s enfuir chacun de fon cofte dans les bois, ou bien
pour y perir de faim & de miferes, ou tafcher de fe
rendre a quelqu vne des habitations Franjoifes.

Dans ces deffeins fi precipitez nos Peres & moy,
& vn gentilhomme nomm6 Monfieur du Puys, qui
commandoit tous nos Francois, auec vne [n] gar-
nifon de dix Soldats, (dont neuf eftoient defia d eux-
mefmes refolus de nous abandonner) nous iugeafmes
qu il valoit mieux fe retirer de compagnie, ou pour
s entr animer les vns les autres a la mort, ou mefme
pour la vendre plus cher.

Pour cela il falloit partir fans qu on en euft aucun
vent: car le moindre foup9on qu euffent eu les Iro
quois de noftre retraite, eufh hafbe fur nous le mal-

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 159

already started out in advance, pending the muster
of the main army.

Humanly speaking, we could not hope to extricate,
from the dangers surrounding us [10] on every side,
some fifty Frenchmen who had entrusted their
lives to us, and for whom we felt ourselves respon
sible before God and men. What caused us still
greater anxiety was not so much the fires into which
a part of our Frenchmen were to be thrown, as the
miserable captivity for which a number of them were
destined by the Iroquois, and in which the loss of
their souls was more to be lamented than that of
their bodies ; and this was cause for greater appre
hension to the majority, who, regarding themselves
as prisoners already, preferred a hatchet-stroke, or
even death by fire to such a bondage. They were
even determined, in order to avoid that final misfor
tune, to exhaust every effort and to flee to the woods,
each man for himself either to perish there from
hunger and destitution, or to attempt to reach one of
the French settlements.

In the midst of these rash plans, our Fathers,
myself, and a gentleman named Monsieur du Puys,
who commanded all our Frenchmen as well as a [n]
garrison of ten Soldiers (nine of whom had already,
of their own motion, determined to forsake us),
deemed it more advisable to retreat in company, in
order either to encourage one another to die, or even
to sell our lives more dearly.

To this end, we needed to take our departure
without conveying any suspicion of our movements ;
for the slightest suspicion entertained by the Iroquois
of our retreat would have precipitated the disaster
we wished to avoid. But how hope to effect our

160 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

heur que nous voulions fui r. Mais comment efperer
de pouuoir partir fans eftre de"couuerts, eftant au
centre du pai s, & touiiours obf edez de quantite de fes
barbares, qui ne delogeoient point d aupres de noftre
maifon, pour efpier noftre contenance en cette
coniondture ? II eft vray qu ils ne penfoient pas que
nous euffions iamais eu le courage d entreprendre ce
coup, f9achans bien que nous n auions ny canots, ny
matelots, & que nous ignorions les chemins bordez
de precipices, ou vne douzaine d Iroquois nous pou-
uoient defaire aif6ment: outre que la faifon eftoit
infupportable dans la froideur des eaux [12] glacees,
ou toutefois il falloit traifner les canots, fe iettant
a 1 eau, & y demeurant les heures entieres, quelquefois
iufqnes au col; & iamais nous n auions entrepris de
telles expeditions, fans auoir des Sauuages pour nous
conduire.

Nonobftant ces obftacles qui leur paroiffoient, auffi
bien qu a nous, infurmontables. Dieu qui tient entre
fes mains tous les momens de nos vies, nous infpira
fi heureufement tout ce qu il falloit faire, qu eftant
partis le 20. iour de Mars de noftre maifon de fainte
Marie, proche d Onnontague", fur les onze heures de
nuit, fa diuine Prouidence nous conduifant comme
par vn miracle continuel, au milieu de tous les dan
gers imaginables, nous arriuafmes a Quebec le 23. du
mois d Auril, ayantpaffe par Montreal, & par les trois
Riuieres, auant qu aucun canot euft pu y eftre mis
a 1 eau, la riuiere n y ayant pas efte libre pour la
nauigation que le iour mefme que nous y parufmes.

Toutes les habitations Frangoifes nous regardoient
comme des perfonnes [13] venues de 1 autre monde,
& ne pouuoient affez admirer la bonte de Dieu, qui

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58 161

withdrawal undiscovered, situated as we were in the
heart of the country and constantly beset by many
of its barbarians, who, in order to watch our bearing
at this juncture, were always quartered near our
house? It is true, they did not think that we would
ever have the courage to undertake this move, well
knowing that we had neither canoes nor boatmen,
and that we were unfamiliar with the route, which
was bordered with precipitous bluffs, where a dozen
Iroquois could have easily defeated us. Moreover,
the season was unendurable, in the frigid temperature
of the icy water, [12] through which, nevertheless,
the canoes must be dragged, ourselves immersed
sometimes up to the neck, and remaining so for
whole hours; and we had never undertaken such
expeditions without Savages to guide us.

Despite these obstacles, which, to them as well as
to us, appeared insurmountable, God, who holds
every moment of our lives in his hands, inspired us
so happily with all that we needed to do, that, leav
ing our house of sainte Marie, near Onnontague",
toward eleven o clock on the night of March 2Oth,
we were guided by his divine Providence, as by a
constant miracle, amid all imaginable dangers, and
arrived at Quebec on the 23rd of the month of April.
We had stopped at Montreal and at three Rivers
before the launching of a single canoe had been
possible there, the river being closed to navigation
until the very day of our appearance.

All the French settlements regarded us as persons
[13] come from the other world; and could not
sufficiently marvel at the goodness of God who had,
on the one hand, miraculously delivered us from
such evident peril, and, on the other, freed from

162 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

d vn cofte" nous auoit miraculeufement deliurez d vn
ft euident peril, & d autre part auoit tire" de peine
tous les Frangois de Montreal, des trois Riuieres, &
de Quebec, qui fe f entoient quafi obligez de fupporter
des Iroquois des chofes infupportables, & ne pas
reprimer les exces de leurs infolences, de peur que
le contre-coup n en retombaft fur nous, qui eftions
en proye & a la difcretion de 1 ennemy commun.

Et certainement il eftoit bien temps d arriuer; car
nous apprifmes a Montreal, que deux-cent Agnieron-
nons venus en guerre, eftoient proche de la: &
mefme par les chemins nous en auions apperceu les
piftes, & veu des feux de quelques bandes de*tachees,
qui nous euffent fait vn mauuais party, ft nous
n euffions hafte noftre marche.

Quelques-autres troupes ennemies parurent auffi
aux trois Riuieres, & y firent prifonniers trois ieunes
hommes qui ne faifoient que d en fortir pour [14] aller
au trauail, fans que 1 on peuft leur donner aucun
fecours, quoy que les Iroquois les entraifnaflent k la
veue de tous ceux du bourg.

A Quebec. Le mefme ennemy s eft fait voir dans
les campagnes voifmes: il a tu6 du monde quaft dans
nos portes, il s eft iette fur de pauures femmes Algon-
quines, qui y furent furprifes en plein midy; les
vnes tuees fur la place, & les autres emmenees cap-
tiues, que toutesfois Ton recouura; nos Frangois, les
Hurons, & les Algonquins ayant pourfuiuy 1 ennemy,
& luy ayant couppe" chemin: mais les meurtriers
s echapperent, difparoiffant au moment qu ils pa-
roiffent lors qu ils fe fentent les plus foibles. Ce font
des renards en leurs approches, ils attaquent en
lions, & difparoiffent en oifeaux faifans leur retraite.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-38 163

uneasiness all the French of Montreal, three Rivers,
and Quebec. The latter were feeling almost obliged
to bear, at the hands of the Iroquois, things that
were unbearable, and had to restrain themselves from
checking their excesses of insolence, for fear lest
retaliation should fall upon us who were a prey to,
and at the mercy of, the common enemy.

And, indeed, we reached our journey s end be
times ; for we learned at Montreal that two hundred
Agnieronnons, who had come with hostile intent,
were near there; and even on the way we had per
ceived traces of them, and seen the fires of several
scattered bands, who would have given us a rough
reception, had we not hastened our progress.

Some other hostile parties also appeared at three
Rivers, taking prisoners three young men who had
just left the place to [14] go to their work; nor could
any attempt at rescuing them be made, though the
Iroquois dragged them off in plain sight of all the
people of the village.

At Quebec, the same enemy made his appearance
in the neighboring fields, killing people almost at
our very doors. He pounced upon poor Algonquin
women, taking them by surprise in broad noonday,
killing some of them on the spot, and leading the
rest away captive, who, however, were afterward
recovered. Our Frenchmen, the Hurons, and the
Algonquins pursued the enemy, and intercepted
him ; but the murderers made their escape, disap
pearing as soon as they had shown themselves and
had perceived their inferior strength. They are foxes
in their methods of approach, they attack like lions,
and, in retreating, they disappear like birds.

We felt under still greater obligations to thank

164 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Nous nous reconnufmes encore plus obligez a
remercier Dieu d vne protection fi parti culiere fur
nous, lors qu eftant arriuez a Quebec, nous auons
appris de diuers endroits, tant de quelques Hurons
venus d Anniegue", ou ils eftoiet captifs, que de
quelques-autres [15] venus d Onnontague" ; que
le deffein des Onnontagueronnons auoit efte de
maff acrer tous nos Francois, des lors qu ils arriuerent
en leur pai s I ann6e 1656. mais que 1 execution en
auoit efte differee iufques a Vanned fuiuante, apres
que les Hurons y auroient efte attirez par noftre
moyen, fur lefquels Ton deuoit exercer la mefme
cruaut6: en forte que tout le bon accueil que 1 on
auoit fait a nos Peres & a nos Fran9ois depuis leur
arriu6e a Onnontague, n auoit efte qu vne fuite de ce
deffein perfide, & vne fourbe des Anciens & des
Capitaines Iroquois, qui conduifoient fecretement
cette trahifon, dans 1 efperance qu ils auoient, que fi
nous eftions fatisfaits de leur proced6, les Hurons
reftez a Quebec, croiroient qu il n y auoit rien a
craindre pour eux a Onnontague", & que pour lors y
montant fur cette creance, Von feroit les femmes & les
enfans captifs, & Ton maffacreroit les homines. C efl
ce qui fut execute" cruellement fur nos bons Chrefliens
Hurons, qui montoient auec nous a Onnontague, le
troifieme iour [16] d Aouft de Tann6e derniere 1657.

Que fi pour lors nous ne fufmes pas enueloppez
dans ce cruel maffacre, ce fut vne prouidence de
Dieu, en ce qu il y auoit cinquante Onnontagueron
nons qui eftoient defcendus a Quebec, pour y aller
querir le refte des Hurons qui n auoient pas voulu
monter auec nous, ayant preffenty le malheur qui
nous arriua. Ces cinquante Onnontagueronnons

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -38 165

God for such signal protection when, upon our
arrival at Quebec, we learned from different sources
both from certain Hurons who had come from
Anniegue", where they had been in captivity, and
from others [15] arrived from Onnontague -- that the
design of the Onnontagueronnons had been to
massacre all our Frenchmen immediately upon their
arrival at Onnontague, in the year 1656; but that its
execution had been deferred until the following
year, when the Hurons should have been drawn
thither by our means ; and that upon them they were
to exercise the same cruelty. Consequently, all the
kind reception accorded our Fathers and our French
men, from the time they reached Onnontague, had
been merely a result of this perfidious scheme, and a
trick of the Iroquois Elders and Captains. They
were secretly conducting their treachery in the hope
that, if we were satisfied with their course of action,
the Hurons remaining at Quebec would believe that
there was nothing for them to fear at Onnontague ;
and then, going up thither in this belief, their wives
and children would be made prisoners and they
themselves murdered. On the third day of August
of last year, 1657, this design was cruelly executed
upon our good Huron Christians [16], who were going
up with us to Onnontagu6.

That we were not at that time included in this
cruel slaughter was owing to a Divine providence, by
which fifty Onnontagueronnons had gone down to
Quebec in quest of the remaining Hurons who,
through a presentiment of the disaster that befell us,
had been unwilling to go up with us. These fifty
Onnontagueronnons saved our lives without intend
ing to do so, inasmuch as their fellow-countrymen

166 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vox,. 44

nous fauuerent la vie fans y penfer, pource que leurs
compatriotes vouloient attendre leur retour, auant
que d exercer en noftre endroit ce dernier adte d hofti-
lite". Cette mefme Prouidence qui veilloit amou-
reufement fur nous, ne permit pas que ces cinquante
Onnontagueronnons retournaffent en leur pais, auant
que la nouuelle y fuft arriue"e, des Iroquois que Ton
arrefta & qu on mit au fers & Montreal, aux trois
Riuieres, & & Quebec, 1 annee paffee 1657. Ce qui
f uf pendit tous leurs mauuais deff eins fur nous ; Dieu
cependant nous les ayant fait connoiftre, & nous ayant
donne" le courage, les forces & les moyens pour [17]
nous retirer heureufement de la captiuite ou nous
eftions, au milieu de ce peuple barbare & ennemy.

Ce n eft pas d auiourd huy que les deileins de
Dieu font adorables fur fes eleus, & qu il trouue fa
gloire par des voies toutes oppofees aux noftres, dont
les refforts ne paroiftront que dans 1 eternite. Car
outre les vidtimes de nos Peres, qui eftoient toutes
prefles d eftre immolees, & & qui Dieu n a pas voulu
mettre le feu, quoy que 1 Iroquois en euft defia pre
pare" le bufcher; les fentimens des Chreftiennes
Huronnes furent vraiement Chreftiens k la mort de
leurs maris & de leurs peres, dont le fang reiailliffoit
fur elles, auffi-bien que fur nous.

Grand Dieu, s ecrioit 1 vne, melez mon fang auec
celuy de mon mary: qu on m arrache auiourd huy la
vie; iamais Ton ne me pourra arracher la foy que
i ay au cceur.

Mon Dieu, difoit vne autre, ie croy fermement que
vous eftes le Tout-puiffant, quoy que ie voie vos fer-
uiteurs maflacrez par vos ennemis: [18] vous n auez
pas promis que noftre foy nous exempteroit de la

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-58 167

decided to await their return before exercising upon
us that final act of hostility. This same Providence
which lovingly watched over us did not suffer those
fifty Onnontagueronnons to return to their own coun
try before the news arrived there of the arrest and
imprisonment, last year, 1657, of certain Iroquois
at Montreal, three Rivers, and Quebec. This in
telligence interrupted all their evil designs against
us. In the meantime, God had made us acquainted
with their intentions, and had given us the cour
age, the strength, and the means to [17] make a
successful escape from the bondage to which we were
subjected in the midst of this barbarous and hostile
people.

It is not merely at the present day that God s designs
toward his elect are adorable, and that he finds his
glory by ways which are wholly opposed to our own,
whose motive principles will appear only in eternity.
For, besides our Fathers who were all ready to be
sacrificed as victims, but whom it was not God s will
to consign to the flames, although the Iroquois
had already prepared their funeral pile, the senti
ments of the Converted Huron women were truly
Christian at the death of their husbands and fathers,
whose blood gushed forth upon them as well as
upon us.

Great God," exclaimed one, " mingle my blood
with my husband s, and let them take my life to-day;
never will they be able to take away the faith which
I have in my heart."

My God," cried another, " I firmly believe that
you are the All-powerful, though I see your servants
slaughtered by your enemies. [18] You did not
promise that our faith should exempt us from death ;

168 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [\ T OL. 44

tnort : nos ef perances font pour vne autre vie : il faut
mourir en terre, pour viure dans le Ciel.

Comme on maffacroit vne de ces femmes fortes,
nomme e Doroth6e, a coups de haches & de coufteaux,
a I entre e du bourg d Onnontague; volant les larmes
d vne petite fille de huit ans, qui auoit efte au femi-
naire des Vrfulines, elle luy dit : Ma fille, ne pleures
pas ny ma mort, ny la tienne ; nous irons auiourd huy
de compagnie au Ciel : Dieu y aura piti6 de nous &
toute eternite: les Iroquois ne pourront pas nous
rauir ce grand bien. Puis en mourant elle s ecria:
IESVS, aiez pitie de moy. Et fa fille fut tuee fur
1 heure mefme & coups de coufteaux, pronongant les
mef mes paroles que fa mere auoit dites : IESVS, aiez
pitie de moy.

Deux autres eftant bruises & petit feu, s e"crioient
au milieu des flammes, qu elles mouroient Chre-
ftiennes, & qu elles s eftimoient heureufes que Dieu
les vift dans leurs tourmens, [19] & qu il connuft
leur coeur. Oiiy, difoit 1 vne; li nos corps eftoient
immortels, les Iroquois rendroient nos peines immor
telles: puifque nos ames ne peuuent pas mourir,
eft-ce chofe incroiable que Dieu, qui n eft rien que
bonte, doiue les recompenfer a toute eternite"?

Ces meres embraffoient leurs enfans qu on auoit
iettez dans ces flammes, & 1 exces de toutes ces cru-
autez barbares ne put iamais les feparer: tant il eft
vray que la foy & 1 amour de Dieu font plus forts que
le feu & la mort.

C eft dans le Ciel, ou nous verrons plus pleine-
ment, les refforts adorables & aimables de la proui-
dence de Dieu, fur ceux qu il a choilis au milieu de
cette barbarie pour en faire des Saints. Nos Eglifes

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-38 169

our hopes are for another life, and we must die on
earth in order to live in Heaven."

As one of these stout-hearted women, named Doro-
thee, was being butchered with hatchets and knives
at the entrance to the village of Onnontague, seeing
the tears of a little girl eight years old who had been
at the Ursuline seminary, she said to her: " My
daughter, weep not for my death, or for thy own ;
we shall to-day go to Heaven together, where God
will have pity on us for all eternity. The Iroquois
cannot rob us of this great blessing." Then she cried
out, as she died, " JESUS, take pity on me! And
her daughter met her death by the knife immediately
afterward, uttering the same words that her mother
had used : " J E s u S, take pity on me !

Two others, on being burned at a slow fire, cried
out from amid the flames that they were dying as
Christians, and that they deemed themselves happy
that God saw them in their torments [19] and knew
their hearts. " Yes," said one, " if our bodies were
immortal, the Iroquois would render our sufferings
immortal. As our souls cannot die, is it an incred
ible thing that God, who is nothing but goodness,
should reward them for all eternity ?

These mothers embraced their children who had
been cast into the flames, and the excess of all this
barbarous cruelty could never separate them, so
true is it that the faith and the love of God are
stronger than fire and death.

In Heaven we shall see more fully the adorable
and lovable activities of God s providence over those .
whom he has chosen in the heart of that barbarous
country, to make Saints of them. Our Churches are
truly in distress, and the Devil is ravaging them ; but

170 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

font vraiement fouffrantes, & le Diable y fait fes
railages: mais Dieu en tirera fa gloire en depit de
1 Enfer. C eft a nous de faire ce que nous pourrons:
c eft a luy feul de faire ce qu il luy plaira. De V. R.

Le tres-humble & obeiffant

De Quebec ce 21. feruiteur en N. S.

d Aouft 1658. PAVL RAGVENEAV.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637-58 171

God will gain his glory from them in spite of Hell.
It is our part to do what shall lie in our power ; it is
his alone to do whatever he shall choose. Your
Reverence s

Very humble and obedient

Quebec, this 2ist servant in Our Lord,

of August, 1658. PAUL RAGUENEAU.

172 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

[20] CHAPITRE II.

DE L INDUSTRIE & DU COURAGE DE NOS FRANCOIS
DANS LEUR RETRAITE D ONNONTAGUE.

LE Pere lean De Brebeuf, le Pere Gabriel Lalle-
mant, le Pere Ifaac logues, & les autres, pour
la plufpart, qui ont efte brulez & mangez par
les Iroquois, pouuoient affez facilement echapper des
mains & de la dent de ces anthropophages ; mais le
Sacrement de Penitence qu ils vouloient adminiftrer a
quelques Neophytes deuant leur mort, & le Baptefme
qu ils vouloient conferer a quelques Catechumenes,
leur firent preferer les feux & la rage des Iroquois, h
la douceur de la vie. C eftoit fait de tous nos Peres,
& de tous nos Freres d Onnontague", s ils fe fuflent
trouuez en vn pareil rencontre : mais voiant que leur
mort feroit inutile a vne pauure Eglife captiue qu ils
abandonnoient, & que leur efclauage ne les auroit
pas [21] foulagez, dautant que ces barbares les de-
uoient lier & garotter, & les mener & Kebec, pour
retirer en contre-e"change leurs compatriotes, que nos
Francois retiennent dans les fers. Voiant, dis-ie,
que leur mort, & leur captiuite feroit plus nuifible
que profitable h la Colpnie Fran9oife, ils prirent
refolution de fe fauuer, & de trauailler a la con-
feruation des Francois, qui s alloient perdre en fe
diuifant, & en fe feparant les vns des autres.

La refolution prife, il falloit trouuer les moiens de
1 executer. II eft plus aife* de donner des preceptes,

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58 173

[20] CHAPTER II.

OF OUR FRENCHMEN S DEXTERITY AND COURAGE IN
THEIR RETREAT FROM ONNONTAGUE.

FATHERS Jean De Brebeuf, Gabriel Lallemant,
Isaac Jogues, and most of the others who have
been burned and eaten by the Iroquois, could
have escaped easily enough from the hands and teeth
of those cannibals ; but their desire to administer the
Sacrament of Penance to some Neophytes before the
death of the latter, and to confer Baptism upon some
Catechumens, made them prefer the fires and rage of
the Iroquois to the sweetness of life. The fate of all
our Fathers and all our Brethren at Onnontague
would have been sealed, had they found themselves
similarly situated ; but, seeing that their death would
be of no service to a poor captive Church which they
were forsaking, and that their bondage would not
afford it any [21] relief, inasmuch as these barbarians
were sure to bind them with cords and take them to
Kebec in order to obtain in exchange their own coun
trymen whom our French were holding in irons,
seeing, I say, that their death and captivity would
work more harm than profit to the French Colony,
they determined to make their escape, and to exert
themselves to save the Frenchmen, who were on the
point of throwing their lives away by dividing and
separating from one another.

The resolution taken, it was necessary to find the
means to execute it. It is easier to give precepts

174 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

que de les garder. Nos Frangois n eurent pas de
peine a fe refoudre de conferuer leurs vies, & d eui-
ter leur mort: les glaces, les vents, en vn mot, 1 im-
poffibilite de partir les arrefterent iufques a la veille
du iour deftine a leur maffacre : pas vn ne doutoit
qu il ne falluft faire retraite, & au pluftoft. Voions
maintenant comme ils s y prirent : la Lettre fuiuante
nous le decouurira.

[22] LETTRE DU PERE PAUL RAGUENEAU AU PERE
PROCUREUR DES MISSIONS DE LA COMPAGNIE
DE IESUS EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.

Pax Chrifti,

MON R. PERE,
V. R. f era bien-aif e d apprendre les particulari-
tez de noftre depart de fainte Marie des Iroquois, pour
ioindre fes adtions de graces a celles que nous deuons
a la Bonte diuine, qui nous a retirez auec bien des
merueilles d vn lieu, ou fon amour ne nous auoit
pas conduit fans quelques prodiges. Nous deuions
perir en montant, la mort nous attendoit a noftre
arriuee ; noftre depart a toufiours paff e pour impof-
fible ; & neantmoins ecce viuimus, nous fommes pleins
de vie, & nous auons eu le bon-heur de mettre en
poffeffion de la vie eternelle quantit6 de ceux qui fe
preparoient a boire noftre fang, & ietter nos corps
tout viuans dans leurs feux.

La refolution eftant prife de quitter ces terres, ou
Dieu auoit pris par noftre [23] moien, le petit nom-
bre de fes eleus, les difficultez paroiffoient infurmon-
tables dans 1 execution, pour laquelle toutes chofes
nous manquoiet.

1656-58] RELATION OF zbtf -j8 175

than to follow them. Our Frenchmen found no
difficulty in resolving to save their lives and escape
death; but the ice, the winds the impossibility, in
short, of starting delayed them until the eve of the
day fixed upon for their massacre. Not one of them
doubted the necessity of retreat, and that at the
earliest moment. Let us see now how they set about
it : the following Letter will inform us.

[22] LETTER FROM FATHER PAUL RAGUENEAU TO

THE FATHER PROCUROR FOR THE MISSIONS OF

THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN NEW FRANCE.

Pax Christi.

MY REVEREND FATHER,
Your Reverence will be glad to learn the par
ticulars of our departure from sainte Marie among the
Iroquois, in order to join your thanksgivings to those
which we owe to the divine Goodness for bringing us
out, in a truly marvelous manner, from a place
whither his love had not conducted us without mira
cles. We nearly perished on our way up; death
awaited us upon our arrival; our departure was
always considered impossible; and yet ecce vivimus,
we are alive, and have had the good fortune to place
in possession of eternal life many of those who were
preparing to drink our blood, and to cast our living
bodies into their fires.

The resolution being formed to abandon those
regions where God, by our [23] means, had gathered
the little number of his elect, the difficulties of its
execution, for which we were lacking in all things,
appeared insurmountable.

To supply the want of canoes, we had secretly

176 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Pour fuppleer au defaut des canots, nous auions
fait, en cachette, deux batteaux, d vne nouuelle &
excellente ftrudture, pour paffer les rapides; ces
batteaux ne tiroient que fort peu d eau, & portoient
beaucoup de charge, quatorze ou quinze homines
chacun, & la valeur de quinze & feize cent liures
pefant. Nous auions de plus quatre canots k 1 Algon-
quine, & quatre h 1 Iroquoife, qui deuoient compofer
noftre petite flotte de cinquante trois Fran9ois.

Mais la difficult6 eftoit de faire rembarquement
fans eftre apperceus des Iroquois, qui nous obfedoient
continuellement. Le tranfport des batteaux, des
canots, & de tout 1 equipage ne pouuoit pas fe faire
fans vn grand bruit: & neantmoins, fans le fecret,
il n y auoit rien a efperer, qu vn maffacre general de
tous tant que nous eftions, au moment que Ton fe
full apperceu que nous euffions eu la [24] moindre
penfee de nous retirer.

Pour cela, nous inuitafmes tous les Sauuages qui
eftoient proche de nous, a vn feftin folemnel, ou
nous emploiafmes toute noftre induftrie, & n epar-
gnafmes ny le fon des tambours, ny les inftrumens
de mulique, pour les endormir par vn charme inno
cent.

Celuy qui prefidoit a la ceremonie, ioiia fon ieu
auec tant d adreffe & de bon-heur, qu vn chacun
vouloit contribuer a la ioie publique: c eftoit a qui
ietteroit des cris plus pergans, tantoft de guerre,
tantoft d allegreff e : les Sauuages par complaifance
chantoient & danfoient k la Franfoife, & les Fran-
9ois a la Sauuage. Pour les animer de plus en plus
a ce beau ieu, on diftribua des prefens a ceux qui
ioiioient mieux leur perfonnage, & qui menoient plus

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 177

constructed two boats of a new and excellent model
for shooting the rapids. These boats drew but very
little water, and carried a heavy load, fourteen or
fifteen men, and fifteen or sixteen hundred livres in
weight. We had also four canoes of the Algonquin
pattern, and four of the Iroquois, which were to
complete our little fleet for fifty-three Frenchmen.

But the difficulty was to embark unperceived by
the Iroquois, who constantly beset us. The convey
ance of the boats, canoes, and all the equipment,
could not be accomplished without much noise ; and
yet, without secrecy, there was nothing to hope for
but a general massacre of our whole company, at the
moment when it should be perceived that we had
the [24] least thought of taking our departure.

Therefore, we invited all the Savages in our neigh
borhood to a grand feast, where we exerted our
utmost skill and spared neither the drums nor the
musical instruments, in order to lull them to sleep
by an innocent charm.

He who presided at the ceremony played his part
with such skill and success that each one was bent
on contributing to the public joy. They vied with
one another in uttering piercing yells, now of war,
now of glee; while, out of complaisance, the Savages
sang and danced in the French manner, and the
French in that of the Savages. To encourage them
more and more in this fine game, presents were
distributed to those who best played their parts, and
who made the most noise for drowning that made
outside by two-score of our men in transporting all
our outfit. When the lading of the boats was entirely
completed, the feast came to an end at the appointed
time; the guests withdrew, and, sleep having soon

178 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Vox. 44

de bruit, pour e"touffer celuy qu vne quarantaine de
nos gens faifoient au dehors, dans le tranfport de
tout noftre <quipage. Tout Tembarquement eftant
fait, le feftin fe finit a point nomine", les conuiez fe
retirerent, & le fommeil les aiant bien-toft abattus,
nous [25] fortifmes de noftre maifon par vne porte
de derriere, & nous ambarquafmes a petit bruit, fans
dire Adieu a nos Sauuages, qui faifoient les fins, &
qui penfoient nous amuf er iuf ques au temps de noftre
maffacre, de belles apparences, & par des te"moignages
de bonne volonte".

Noftre petit Lac, fur laquelle nous voguions en
lilence dans les tenebres de la nuit, fe geloit k
mefure que nous auancions, & nous faifoit craindre
d eftre arreftez dans les glaces, apres auoir euit6 les
feux de 1 Iroquois. Dieu nous en deliura pourtant, &
apres auoir auance la nuit & tout le iour fuiuant par
des precipices & par des cheutes d eau effroiables;
enfin nous nous rendifmes le foir dans le grand Lac
Ontario, k vingt lieues du lieu de noftre depart.

Cette premiere iournee eftoit la plus dangereufe;
car ft les Iroquois euffent apperceu noftre fortie, ils
nous euffent coupe" chemin; & n eulfent-ils eft que
dix ou douze, il leur eftoit facile de nous mettre
en defordre, la riuiere eftant tres-etroite, & [26]
terminee, apres dix lieues de chemin, d vn precipice
affreux, ou nous fufmes obligez de mettre pied a
terre, & porter 1 efpace de quatre heures noftre
bagage & nos canots, par des chemins perdus, &
couuerts d vne Fore ft epoiffe qui euft feruy de Fort a
1 ennemy, & d ou a chaque pas il euft punous affom-
mer, & tirer fur nous fans eftre apperceu.

La protection de Dieu nous accompagna vifiblement

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 179

overcome them, we [25] left our house by a rear door
and embarked with little noise, without saying Fare
well to our Savages. They were playing a shrewd
part, and thought to beguile us with fair appearances
and attestations of good will until the time fixed
upon for our slaughter.

Our little Lake, over which we paddled silently
in the darkness of the night, froze as we advanced,
and we feared that we should be stopped in the ice
after escaping the fires of the Iroquois. From this
disaster, however, God delivered us; and, after pro
ceeding all night and the whole of the following day,
past water-falls and frightful rapids, we at length
reached Lake Ontario in the evening, twenty leagues
from our starting-point.

That first day s journey was the most dangerous;
for, had the Iroquois perceived our departure, they
would have intercepted us ; and, had they been only
ten or twelve in number, it would have been easy for
them to throw us into confusion the river being
very narrow, and being also [26] obstructed, at the
end of ten leagues, by a fearful precipice. Here we
were forced to land, and, for four hours, carry our
baggage and canoes through a wilderness covered
with dense Woods, which would have served the
enemy as a Fort where they could have killed us at
every step and fired upon us unperceived.

God s protection manifestly accompanied us during
all the rest of the journey. We passed through perils
that made us shudder after escaping them, and at
night, after spending the whole day in the water and
amid blocks of ice, we had no lodging except upon
the snow.

Ten days after our departure, we found Lake

180 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

dans tout le refte du chemin, y marchant dans des
perils qui nous faifoient horreur apres les auoir euitez,
& n aiant point la nuit d autre gifte que fur la neige,
apres auoir paffe les iournees entieres dans les eaux
& parmy les glaces.

Dix iour apres noftre depart, nous trouuafmes le
Lac Ontario, fur lequel nous voguions, encore ge!6 en
fon emboucheure : il fallut prendre la hache en main
pour fendre la glace, & fe faire paffage: mais ce fut
pour entrer deux iours apr6s dans vne cheute d eau,
ou toute noftre petite flotte fe vit quafi abifm6e. Car
nous eftant engagez dans vn grand fault, fans le [27]
connoiftre, nous nous trouuafmes au milieu de fes
brifans, qui par le rencontre de quantity de gros
rochers, eleuoient des montagnes d eau, & nous
iettoient dans autant de precipices, que nous donnions
de coups d auirons. Nos batteaux qui a peine
auoient demy-pied de bord, fe trouuerent bien-toft
chargez d eau, & tous nos gens dans vne telle con-
fulion, que leur cris meflez auec le bruit du torrent
nous faifoient voir I image d vn trifle naufrage. II
falloit pourtant pouffer outre, la violence du courant
nous emportant malgre nous dans de grandes cheutes,
& par des chemins ou iamais on n auoit paffe. La
crainte redoubla a la veue d vn de nos canots
englouty dans vn brifant, qui barroit tout le rapide,
& qui eftoit neantmoins la route que tous les autres
deuoient tenir. Trois Franjois y furent noiez, vn
quatrieme aiant echappe heureufement, s eftant tenu
attache au canot, & aiant eft6 fecouru au bas du fault,
lors qu il eftoit fur le point de lafcher prife, les
forces luy manquant quafi auec la vie. [28] Ceux
qui furent noiez auoient communie ce iour-la, &

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-38 181

Ontario, over which we were voyaging, still frozen at
its mouth ; hence we were compelled to take hatchet
in hand to cleave the ice and make a passage
which, however, led us two days later into a water
fall, where all our little fleet was nearly swallowed
up. For, having entered unawares a rapid of consid
erable extent, [27] we found ourselves in the midst
of its billows, which, meeting with many large rocks,
raised mountains of water, and hurled us into an
abyss at every stroke of our paddles. Our boats,
the sides of which were barely half a foot high, soon
shipped a great quantity of water; while our men
were so thrown into confusion that their cries,
mingling with the roar of the torrent, filled us with
visions of direful shipwreck. Yet we were forced to
go on, the violence of the current bearing us along,
in spite of ourselves, through extensive rapids and
by ways never navigated before. Our fears redoubled
at seeing one of our canoes swallowed up by a
breaker which extended across the entire width of
the rapids, and which, nevertheless, afforded the
only route by which all the rest were to go. Three
Frenchmen were drowned here, a fourth luckily
escaping by clinging to the canoe, and being rescued
at the foot of the falls, when he was on the point
of relinquishing his hold, strength and life nearly
failing him at the same time. [28] Those who
were drowned had received communion on that very
day, and had piously prepared for death, without
knowing that it was so near; but God, who knows
his elect, had lovingly made them ready for it. It
is a consolation for us to be able to say, Pater, guos
tradidisti miki, non perdidi ex Us quemquam; for those
three drowned men, being in Heaven, are not lost

182 LES RELATIONS DES jS UITES [ VOL. 44

s eftoient faintement difpofez a la mort, fans fgauoir
qu elle fufl fi proche. Mais Dieu qui connoift fes
eleus, les y auoit amoureufement preparez. Ce nous
eft vne confolation de pouuoir dire, Pater, quos tradi-
difti mihi, non perdidi ex Us quemquam. Car ces trois
noiez eftant au Ciel, ne font perdus qu heureufement,
aiant trouue Dieu & leur falut dans leur perte.

Le 3. d Auril nous abordafmes a Montreal au com
mencement de la nuit: les glaces n en eftoient parties
que le iour mefme, & elles nous euffent arrefte, li
nous fuffions arriuez pluftoft. Nous nous vifmes
obligez de feiourner au mefme lieu quatorze iours,
les Riuieres qui eftoient plus has n eftant pas encore
de prifes.

Le 17. d Auril nous nous rendifmes aux trois
Riuieres, d ou les glaces n eftoient parties que le iour
precedent, nous y paffames la Fefte de Pafques.

Le Mardy nous arriuafm.es heureuf ement a Quebec ;
vn iour pluftoft nous n euffions pas pu aborder, tout
[29] n y eftoit qu vn pont de glace depuis la cofte de
Laufon, d ou on auoit encore trauerfe la Riuiere k
pied fee le iour de Pafques.

Vraiement 1 Ange de Dieu nous conduifoit dans
nos demarches, & dans nos demeures, comme il con
duifoit autrefois fon peuple bien-aime au fortir de la
captiuite* d Egypte, du milieu des Nations barbares.
Loiiez Dieu auec nous de ce qu il nous a deliurez
d vne feruitudebien plus dangereufe, apres auoirbeny
nos trauaux par le falut de quantite d ames, qui
ioiiiffent maintenant du repos eternel.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -5$ 183

except in a happy sense of the word, since they found
God and their salvation in losing their lives.

At nightfall, on the 3rd of April, we landed at
Montreal, whence the ice had disappeared only on
that very day ; it would have blocked our way had
we arrived earlier. We found ourselves obliged to
tarry there fourteen days, the Rivers farther down
being not yet open.

On the i /th of April, we repaired to three Rivers,
where the ice had cleared away only on the preced
ing day. Here we spent the Easter Festival.

We arrived safely at Quebec on Tuesday. A day
earlier, we would have been unable to land, there
[29] being nothing but one bridge of ice from
coste de Lauson, whence the River had been crossed
dry-shod as late as Easter.

Verily, the Angel of God guided us in our travels
and watched over us in our sojourns, as he guided
his well-beloved people of old out from the midst of
barbarous Nations, when they went forth from the
captivity of Egypt. Praise God with us for having
delivered us from a much more dangerous bondage,
after blessing our labors with the salvation of many
souls which are now enjoying eternal rest.

184

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

CHAPITRE III.

JOURNAL DE CE QUI S EST PASSE ENTRE LES FRAN
COIS & LES SAUUAGES.

O

les deux Lettres couche"es aux deux
Chapitres precedens, nous en auons receu
quelques autres, & quelques memoires, qui
compoferont ce Journal.

[30] Le mot Onnonta, qui fignifie vne montagne,
en langue Iroquoife, a donne" nom k la Bourgade
appellee Onnontae", ou comme d autres la nomment,
Onnontague, pour ce que elle eft fur vne montagne,
& les peuples qui 1 habitent, s appellent en fuite
Onnontaeronnons, ou bien Onnontagueronnons. Ces
peuples ayant long-temps & inftamment demande,
qu on enuoyaft quelques Peres de noftre Compagnie

t(>55* en leur pais. Enfin l anne"e 1655. le Pere lofeph
Chaumonot & le Pere Claude Dablon leurs furent
accordez. Us les embarquerent le 19. de Septembre,
& les rendirent k Onnontague" le 5 . Nouembre de la
mefme anne"e 1655.

1656. L annee fuiuante 1656. ces deux bons Peres fe
voyant ecoutez auec applaudiffement, & auec bien-
ueillance, le Pere Dablon quitta Onnontague le fecond
iour de Mars, pour venir demander du fecours a Kebec,
ou il arriua au commencement d Auril, & en partit le
17. de May, en compagnie de trois Peres & de deux
Freres de noftre Compagnie, & de bon nombre [31]
de Francois, qui tirerent tous vers ce nouueau pai s,

1656 - 58J RELA TION OF 1657 -58 185

CHAPTER III.

JOURNAL OF WHAT OCCURRED BETWEEN THE FRENCH

AND THE SAVAGES.

BESIDES the two Letters contained in the two
foregoing Chapters, we have received some
others and some memoirs, which shall com
pose this Journal.

[30] From the word Onnonta, which in the Iroquois
tongue means " a mountain," is derived the name of
the Village called Onnontae, or, as others name it,
Onnontague, because it is situated on a mountain ;
and the people dwelling there are consequently called
Onnontaeronnons or Onnontagueronnons. These
people having long and urgently requested that some
Fathers of our Society be sent to their country,
finally, in the year 1655, Fathers Joseph Chaumonot 1655.
and Claude Dablon were granted them. The Sav
ages took them away by canoe on the igth of Sep
tember, and landed them at Onnontagne" on the 5th
of November of the same year, 1655.

In the following year, 1656, as these two good 1656.
Fathers saw that they were listened to with applause
and good will, Father Dablon left Onnontague on
the second day of March, to come to Kebec for assist
ance. He arrived here at the beginning of April,
and took his departure on the i/th of May, in com
pany with three Fathers and two Brethren of our
Society, and with a goodly number [31] of French
men, who all turned their faces toward this new

186 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

cm ils fe rendirent le 1 1 . iour de luillet de la mefme
annee 1656.

1637. L an 1657. la moiifon paroiffant belle dans toutes
les Bourgades des Iroquois fuperieurs, le commun
peuple ecoutant les bonnes nouuelles de 1 Euangile
auec fimplicite, & les Anciens auec vne feinte bien
cachee; le Pere Paul Ragueneau, le Pere Fran9ois Du
Peron, quelques Francois, & plufieurs Hurons par-
tirent de Montreal le 26 de luillet, pour aller fecourir
leurs freres & leurs compatriotes.

Le 3. iour du mois d Aouft de la mefme annee
1657. la perfidie des Iroquois commen9a a fe decou-
urir, par le maffacre qu ils firent des pauures Hurons
qu ils menoient en leur pai s, apres mille protefta-
tions de bienueillance, apres mille fermens a leur
mode, qu ils les traiteroient comme leurs freres. Et
fi quantite d Iroquois ne fuffent demeurez parmy les
Franois aupre"s de Kebec, pour tafcher d emmener
auec eux le refte des Hurons, qui fe deffians de ces
traiftres, ne s eftoient [32] pas voulu embarquer auec
les autres; c eftoit fait des lors & des Peres, & des
Fran9ois qui montoient auec eux ; & bien-tofl apres,
tous ceux qui demeuroient fur les riues du Lac Gan-
nantaa, proche d Onnontague", auroient couru la
mefme fortune: mais la crainte que les Francois ne
fe vengeaffent fur leurs compatriotes, arrefta leur
deffein, dont nos Peres eurent fecretement connoif-
fance, incontinent apre"s leur arriuee dans le pai s.
Vn Capitaine mefme qui fgauoit le fecret des Anciens,
aiant pris quelque gouft aux Predications de 1 Euan-
gile, & fe voiant fort malade, demande le Baptefme,
1 aiant receu apres vne fuffifante inftrudtion, il decou-
urit les mauuais deffeins de fes compatriotes h celuy

1656-58J RELATION OF 1657-58 187

country, where they arrived on the nth day of
July of the same year, 1656.

In the year 1657, as there was promise of a fine 1637.
harvest in all the Villages of the upper Iroquois, and
as the common people hearkened to the good news
of the Gospel with simplicity, and the Elders with a
cunning dissimulation, Fathers Paul Ragueneau
and Frangois Du Peron, some Frenchmen, and sev
eral Hurons started from Montreal on the 26th of
July, to go and help their brethren and compatriots.

On the 3rd day of August of the same year, 1657,,
the Iroquois perfidy began to show itself through
the massacre of the poor Hurons whom they were
conducting to their country, after having made a
thousand avowals of good will and a thousand oaths,
such as they are wont to make, that they would
treat them as brothers. And, had not a number of
Iroquois remained with the French at Kebec to try
to carry off with them the rest of the Hurons, who,
distrusting these treacherous rogues, had been [32]
unwilling to embark with the others, the fate of
the Fathers and of the Frenchmen who went up with
them would even then have been sealed; and, soon
afterward, the same lot would have befallen all those
who dwelt on the shores of Lake Gannantaa, near
Onnontagu<. But the fear lest the French should
take vengeance on their countrymen stayed their
project. Our Fathers received secret information of
it immediately after their arrival in the country. A
Captain, in fact, who knew the Elders secret, and
who had conceived some fondness for the Preaching
of the Gospel, upon falling seriously ill asked for
Baptism. Having received it after sufficient instruc
tion, he revealed to him who conferred it the wicked

188 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

qui [le] luy confera, & peu de temps apr6s il s en alia
au Ciel.

Le 9. du mefme mois d Aouft, vingt Iroquois
Agneronnons aborderent a Quebec: c eftoit a qui
entraifneroit en fon pais, les refles de la pauure
Nation Huronne: les Iroquois d en-haut & d embas,
les attiroient auec les plus belles promeffes [33] du
monde, & ils n auoient tous que des intentions de les
perdre.

Le ii. parut la barque de Monfieur Bourdon,
lequel eftant defcendu fur le grand Fleuue du coft6
du Nord, vogua iufques au 55. degre, ou il rencontra
vn grand bane de glaces, qui le fit remonter, aiant
perdu deux Hurons, qu il auoit pris pour guides.
Les Eskimaux Sauuages du Nord, les maffacrerent,
& blefferent vn Francois de trois coups de fleches, &
d vn coup de coufteau.

Le 21. quelques Hurons s eftant ioints auec les
Agneronnons, dont nous venons de parler, s embar-
querent a Kebec, pour aller demeurer en leur pai s,
ignorant la captiuite qui les attendoit.

Le 26. Le Pere le Moine les fuiuit, auec quelques
autres Hurons, remenant vn ieune Iroquois Agneron-
non, qui eftoit paile en France, & que nous auions
renuoie a Kebec, ou on le rappelloit.

Le 3. de Septembre, les Onnontagueronnons, qui
eftoient demeurez a 1 entour des habitations Fran-
Qoifes, [34] enuoierent deux de leurs Gens vers les
Hurons de Kebec, pour les prefler de prendre Onnon-
tagu6 pour leur patrie, leur donnant mille affeurances,
qu ils feroient les tres-bien venus. C eftoit, comme
i ay dit, a qui auroit le debris de ce pauure peuple.
Or iaoit qu ils ne fceuffent pas ce qui efloit arriue" a

1 656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58 189

designs of his compatriots, and soon afterward went
to Heaven.

On the gth of the same month of August, twenty
Agneronnon Iroquois landed at Quebec; and there
was emulation as to which party should carry off to
its own country the remnants of the poor Huron
Nation. Both the upper and the lower Iroquois were
inviting them, with the fairest promises [33] in the
world, while the sole intention of them all was to
destroy these people.

On the nth appeared Monsieur Bourdon s bark.
It had sailed down the great River toward the North,
and proceeded as far as the 55th degree, where it met
a great field of ice, which made it turn back, after
losing two Hurons, who had been taken as guides.
The Eskimaux, Savages of the North, had slain
them, and had injured a Frenchman with three
arrow-shots and a knife-cut.

On the 2ist, some Hurons, joining the Agneron-
nons of whom we have just spoken, embarked at
Kebec to go and dwell in the country of the latter,
not knowing that captivity awaited them.

On the 26th, Father le Moine followed them with
some other Hurons, taking home a young Agneron
non Iroquois who had gone to France, and had been
sent back by us to Kebec, whither he had been recalled.

On the 3rd of September, the Onnontagueronnons,
who had lingered around the French settlements,
[34] sent two of their Men to the Hurons of Kebec,
to urge their adoption of Onnontague* as their coun
try, giving them a thousand assurances that they
would be very welcome. There was, as I said, a
rivalry as to who should obtain the remnant of this
poor nation. Now, although they did not know

190 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

leurs freres, ils tafcherent neantmoins de faire trou-
uer bon a ces Deputez, de remettre la partie iufques
au Printemps fuiuant. Ce fut vn coup de Dieu: car
ce dilaiement obligea plufieurs Iroquois de paffer
1 Hyuer aupr6s des Frangois, pour attendre les
Hurons ; ce qui empefcha les Onnontagueronnons de
mettre a mort, ou de fe faifir de nos Gens, qui
eftoient en leur pai s. Dieu leur vouloit donner, par
cette prouidence fi particuliere, le moien de fe fauuer.

Le 9. du mefme mois de Septembre. Nos Peres
d Onnontague" enuoierent deux canots, pour donner
nouuelle a Kebec, du maffacre des pauures Hurons
Chreftiens, mis a mort par vne trahifon inoiiie de
ces Barbares, comme nous 1 auons marque [35] cy-
deffus au 3. d Aouft de 1 an 1657. Ils deuoient auffi
rendre des Lettres, qui expliquoient 1 eftat du pai s,
& qui de"couuroient la mauuaife volonte" des princi-
paux de ces peuples vers les Frangois. Nous en
mifmes quelque chofe a la fin de la Relation de 1 an
paffe. Les Onnei otchronnons aiant eu le vent de
1 enuoy de ces deux canots, les deuancerent adeffein,
comme on a fceu depuis, de maffacrer ceux qui les
conduifoient, & de ietter leurs Lettres au feu : mais
nos Gens aiant euite" leurs embufches & leurs pour-
fuites, arriuerent enfin a Kebec

Le 6. d Odtobre, non fans I ^tonnement de nos
Frangois. le vous laiffe a penfer, fi les pauures
Hurons, qui n auoient pas voulu fuiure les Onnon
tagueronnons, beniffoient Dieu, de fe voir deliurez
des pattes de ces loups. A peine y auoit-il vn mois,
que ces mal-heureux les auoient voulu trahir. S il
faut auoir de 1 efprit pour eflre fourbe, ces peuples
n en manquent pas.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -58 191

what had happened to their brethren, they never
theless tried to induce these Deputies to postpone
the expedition until the following Spring. This was
a stroke of Divine providence ; for that postponement
compelled several Iroquois to spend the Winter near
the French, in order to wait for the Hurons which
prevented the Onnontagueronnons from putting to
death or seizing our People who were in their coun
try. Through this so special providence, it was
God s will to give them the means of escape.

On the Qth of the same month of September, our
Fathers at Onnontague despatched two canoes to
bear to Kebec the tidings of the massacre of the poor
Christian Hurons, who had been put to death with
unheard-of treachery by these Barbarians, as we have
noted [35] above under date of August 3, 1657. They
were also to deliver Letters explaining the condition
of the country, and disclosing the evil intentions of
this people s chief men toward the French. Some
of this matter we appended to last year s Relation.
The Onneiotchronnons, getting wind of the despatch
of these two canoes, got ahead of them, intending,
as has since been learned, to slay the messengers,
and to throw their Letters into the fire ; but our Men
eluded their ambuscades and pursuit, and finally
arrived at Kebec,

On the 6th of October, not without astonishment
on the part of our French people. I leave you to
infer whether the poor Hurons, who had been unwill
ing to follow the Onnontagueronnons, blessed God
at seeing themselves saved from those wolves
clutches. Scarcely a month before, those wretches
had tried to betray them. If it needs intelligence to
be a knave, these people are not wanting therein.

192 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

Le 1 6. Vne chalouppe porta notmelle [36] a Ke-
bec, que deux Fran9ois auoient efte" pillez an Cap a
1 arbre par des Iroquois. Ces Barbaras, fous ombre
qu ils auoient de nos Gens en leur pai s, commet-
toient quantit6 d infolences, pillant des maifons,
tuant les befliaux des metairies Fran9oifes. Les
habitans s en eftant plains fort fouuent. Enfin

Le 21. du mefme mois, Monfieur Daillebouft, qui
commandoit pour lors, fit affembler les principaux,
pour voir quel remede on pourroit apporter a ces
defordres. II fut arrefte", i. Qu il ne falloit point
commencer les premiers a irriter les Iroquois, mais
qu on pourroit fans difficult^, vim vi repellere, repouffer
par la force leurs infultes. 2. Qu on deuoit tou-
fiours traiter comme amis les Hurons & les Algon-
quins nos Alliez. 3. Qu il falloit empefcher que les
Iroquois, foit d en-haut ou d embas, ne leur fiffent
aucun tort h la veue de nos habitations.

Le mefme iour, il fit affembler les Algonquins,
& les Hurons, qui luy demanderent, comme ils fe
comporteroient [37] enuers les Iroquois: il repartit.
Qu ils les pouuoient attaquer, & les combattre hors
la veue des habitations Frangoifes. Que nous les
protegerions dans cette 6tendue, & que nous ne
romperions iamais la paix, s ils ne faifoient les
premiers quelque acte d hoftilite.

Le 25. du mefme mois d Odtobre. Quelques
Iroquois Onneiotchronnons, voifins d Onnontague",
tuerent trois Frangois a Montreal, a coups de fufil;
arracherent a deux la peau de la tefte, & 1 empor-
terent en triomphe en leur pai s. A 1 occafion de ces
meurtres, Monfieur de Maifonneufue fit arrefter, &
mettre aux fers vn Sauuage Onnontagueronnon, qui

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -jS 193

On the 1 6th, a shallop brought word [36] to Kebec,
that two Frenchmen had been plundered at Cap a
1 arbre by the Iroquois. These Barbarians, feeling
secure in that they held some of our People in their
country, were committing many acts of insolence,
pillaging houses and killing the cattle on the French
farms. The settlers having very often complained
of this, finally,

On the 2ist of the same month, Monsieur Daille-
boust, who was then in command, called the chief
men together to see what remedy could be applied to
these disorders. It was decided, ist, that we must
not take the initiative in irritating the Iroquois, but
that we could without difficulty vim vi repellere,
repulse their wanton assaults with force; 2nd, that
we were always to treat as friends the Hurons and
Algonquins, our Allies; and, 3rd, that we must pre
vent the Iroquois, whether upper or lower, from
doing them any injury in sight of our settlements.

He assembled on the same day the Algonquins
and Hurons, who asked him how they should con
duct themselves [37] toward the Iroquois. He
replied that they might attack them and fight with
them out of sight of the French settlements; but
that we would protect them only within those limits,
and would never violate the peace, unless they first
committed some hostile act.

On the 25th of the same month, October, some
Onneiotchronnon Iroquois, neighbors of the Onnon-
tagueronnons, shot and killed three Frenchmen at
Montreal, taking the scalps of two of them and bear
ing them in triumph to their own country. Upon
the occurrence of these murders, Monsieur de Mai-
sonneufve caused to be arrested and put in irons an

194 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

depuis quelque temps chaff oit en 1 Ifle de Montreal, &
fe retiroit le plus fotment auec les Frangois.

Le 29. Trois Onnei otchronnons fe prefentent an
Fort de Montreal, demandent a parler & Monfieur de
Maifonneufue Gouuerneur. Us proteftent qu ils font
innocens, & qu ils font tres-marris de 1 attentat
commis fur fes Gens. L vn deux tire fept prefens,
[38] compofez de neuf colliers de porcelaine, auec ces
paroles: P effuie le fang rtpandu fur la natte, ou fur la
terre, ouie fuis. F ouure ta bouche, afin de bien parler.
le calme ton efprit write" par ce mauuais coup. le couure
la terre foiiille e de fang, & i" enferme dans r oubly cette
mefchante action, le te fay fgauoir, que c eft V O iogue-
ronnon qui fa tue". le te donne vn breuuage, pour te
guerir. le raffermis le May ebranle", apre s duquel fe
doiuent tenir les Confeils des Iroquois & des Francois.
Monlieur de Maifonneufue receut les prefens, n aiant
pas encore affez de lumiere fur la deloiaute de ces
perfides, qui paroiffoient fort innocens. II les inuita
neantmoins de demeurer quelque temps aupr6s de
nos Frangois, pour reconnoiftre de plus pres leurs
demarches. Mais comme ils fe fentoient coupables,
& qu ils eftoient camarades (a ce qu on croit) de ceux
qui auoient maffacre nos Gens, voiant d ailleurs vn
Sauuage Onnontagueronnon aux fers, ils s enfui rent
la nuit a la fourdine.

Le i. iour de Nouembre. Le canot que Monfieur
de Maifonneufue auoit [39] enuoie a Monfieur Daille-
bouft, pour luy donner aduis de ces meurtres, parut
a Kebec, aiant paffe par les trois Riuieres. A
mefme temps Monfieur Dailleboufl commande,
qu on arreite en toutes les habitations des Francois,
tous les Iroquois qui s y prefenteroient, de quelque

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 195

Onnontagueronnon Savage, who had for some time
been hunting on the Island of Montreal and who
most frequently sought shelter among the French.

On the 29th, three Onneiotchronnons present them
selves at the Fort of Montreal, asking to speak with
Monsieur de Maisonneufve, the Governor. They
protest their innocence, and their deep regret at the
outrage committed upon our People; while one of
them produces seven presents, [38] composed of nine
porcelain collars. These he offers in the following
words: / wipe away the blood shed upon the mat or
upon the ground where I stand. I open thy mouth, tJiat
thou mayst speak well. I calm thy mind, irritated by this
evil deed. I cover the earth, stained with blood; and I
shut up that wicked deed in forget fulness. I inform thee
that it was the Oiogueronnon who slew thee. I give thee
a drink, to make thee well. I make firm again the
May-tree that has been shaken, around which are to be
held the Councils of the Iroquois and the French. Mon
sieur de Maisonneufve received the presents, not yet
having sufficient light upon the treachery of those
rogues, who appeared very innocent. He invited
them, however, for the sake of observing their move
ments more closely, to make their abode for some
time near our French. But, as they were conscious
of guilt, and were accomplices (as is believed) of those
who had slain our Men, and as, moreover, they saw
an Onnontagueronnon Savage in irons, they stealth
ily took flight by night.

On the ist day of November, the canoe sent by
Monsieur de Maisonneufve [39] to Monsieur Daille-
boust, to carry him word of these murders, appeared
at Kebec after stopping at three Rivers. At the
same time, Monsieur Dailleboust ordered the arrest,

196 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

endroit qu ils puffent eftre. On auoit defia com
mence" d arrefter douze Agneronnons aux trois
Riuieres, dont vne partie fut enuoie"e a Kebec.

Le 3. du mefme mois. Quelques Algon quins eftant
allez chaffer, & faire la petite guerre vers les Ifles de
Richelieu, tuerent vn Sauuage Onnontagueronnon,
qu ils rencontrerent, & en apporterent la cheuelure a
Kebec. Son compagnon s eftant echappe", fe retira a
Montreal, oft il fut mis aux fers.

Le 5. Monfieur Daillebouft affembla les Frangois
& les Sauuages nos Alliez, pour leur declarer le
deflein qu il auoit, d enuoier deux Agneronnons de
ceux qu on luy auoit enuoiez des trois Riuieres, pour
informer Ondefonk, c eft . dire, le Pere Le Moine,
[40] qui eftoit au bourg d Anie, ou, comme d autres
1 appellent, Aniegue", pour rinformer qu on auoit tue"
trois Frangois a Montreal, & qu en fuite on auoit
retenu quelques Iroquois Agneronnons en nos habita
tions. Voicy fommairement les paroles, qui deuoient
eftre portees aux Anciens du pai s. i. Qu on a tu6
trois Fran9ois a Montreal; les meurtriers eftoient
trente, quoy qu il n en paruft pas tant. 2. Que les
parens des defunts fe vouloient venger fur les Agne
ronnons, qui vinrent aux trois Riuieres, bien-toft
apres que la nouuelle de ce maffacre y fut apportee.
3. Qu on s eft oppofe a cette vengeance de la part
d Onontio, c eft a dire, du Gouuerneur des Fran-
gois. 4. Qu on les a arreltez feulement, fans leur
faire aucun mal. 5. Qu on eft refolu de les retenir,
pendant le voiage de ceux qu on enuoie de fa part,
pour f e plaindre aux Anciens du pais de cet attentat,
& pour fauoir s il n a point efte commis par leur
ieuneffe. 6. Qu on les affeure, que ceux qu on a

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 197

throughout the French settlements, of all the Iroquois
that should present themselves, from whatever quar
ter they might come. A beginning had already been
made with the seizure, at three Rivers, of twelve
Agneronnons, a part of whom were sent to Kebec.

On the 3rd of the same month, some Algonquins,
going to the Richelieu Islands to hunt, and to carry
on a petty warfare, killed an Onnontagueronnon
Savage whom they met, and brought his scalp to
Kebec. His companion escaped and took refuge at
Montreal, where he was put in irons.

On the 5th, Monsieur Dailleboust assembled the
French and our Savage Allies, to announce to them
his plan of despatching two of the Agneronnons that
had been sent to us from three Rivers, to inform
Ondesonk that is, Father Le Moine, [40] who was
at the village of Anie", or, as others call it, Aniegue
to inform him, I say, that three Frenchmen had
been killed at Montreal, and that, following upon this,
some Agneronnon Iroquois had been detained in our
settlements. The following is a summary of the
message that was to be carried to the Elders of the
country : i . Three Frenchmen have been killed at
Montreal, the murderers being thirty in number,
although so many did not show themselves. 2. The
relatives of the deceased wished to take vengeance
on the Agneronnons who came to three Rivers soon
after the news of this murder reached that place. 3.
Opposition to this mode of vengeance was offered by
Onontio that is, the Governor of the French. 4.
The men were simply arrested, no harm being done
them. 5. We are resolved to hold them during the
journey of those whom we send to complain of this
outrage to the Elders of the country, and to learn

198 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

retenus, feront bien traitez; [41] & afin qu on n en
doute point, Onontio e"crit tous ces articles & Onde-
fonk, & les a nettement expliquez aux Agneronnons,
qu on a mis en liberte, pour aller traiter cet affaire.

Le 7. du mefme mois de Nouembre. Deux Agne
ronnons partirent de Kebec, & en prirent vn troifieme
aux trois Riuieres, pour s en aller porter ces paroles
en leur pai s. On leur donna force lettres de diuers
endroits, pour donner au Pere Le Moine, dont vne
partie deuoient eftre enuoyee nos Peres & & nos
Frangois d Onnontague, par 1 entremife des Agne
ronnons, qui vont fouuent en ce pai s-la.

Enuiron ce mefme temps, ou vn peu deuant, Mon-
fieur de Maifonneufue renuoia auffi. vn prifonnier
Onnontagueronnon en fon pai s, pour rendre des
lettres & nos Peres, qui les informoient de tout ce
qui fe paffoit parmy les Frangois. II donna charge
& ce Barbare, de dire a peu pr6s aux Anciens
d Onnontague", ce qu on mandoit & ceux d Aniegue;
mais il y euft de 1 infidelite des deux coftez.

II eft vray que les Agneronnons [42] rendirent
fidellement les lettres & Ondefonk, pource qu ils crai-
gnoient qu on ne fift du mal & leurs Gens detenus
par les Frangois. Mais pour les lettres qui s adref-
foient & nos Frangois d Onnontague", 1 Agneronnon
qui les portoit, les ietta dans la riuiere, ou les
pref enta, comme il eft croiable, aux Anciens du pai s ;
mais ces bonnes gens, qui fe vouloient defaire des
Predicateurs de 1 Euangile, & de ceux qui les
affiftoient, les ietterent dans le feu.

L Onnontagueronnon enuoie par Monfieur de Mai
fonneufue fit encore pis : car il dit aux principaux de
fa Nation, que les Frangois s eftoient liez principale-

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 199

whether it was not committed by their young men.
6. Assurance is given that those who are held in
custody will be well treated; [41] and, that there
may be no doubt of this, Onontio writes all these
articles to Ondesonk, and has explained them clearly
to the Agneronnons who are released in order to go
and negotiate this matter.

On the /th of the same month, November, two
Agneronnons started from Kebec, and were joined
by a third one at three Rivers, to go and carry this
message to their country. They were given many
letters from different sources to be delivered to Father
Le Moine; a part of these were to be sent to our
Fathers and our Frenchmen at Onnontague through
the medium of the Agneronnons, who often go to
that country.

At about this time, or a little before, Monsieur de
Maisonneufve also sent an Onnontagueronnon pris
oner to his own country, to convey to our Fathers let
ters informing them of all that was occurring among
the French. He charged this Barbarian to deliver to
the Elders of Onnontague very nearly the same
message that had been entrusted to the men from
Aniegue ; but there was bad faith in both instances.

It is true that the Agneronnons [42] delivered the
letters faithfully to Ondesonk, because they feared
some harm might be done to their Fellows in the
custody of the French. But, as for the letters ad
dressed to our Frenchmen at Onnontague*, the Agne-
ronnon who bore them threw them into the river;
or, as is probable, gave them to the Elders of the
country, and those good people, who wished to get
rid of the Preachers of the Gospel and of their
assistants, threw the letters into the fire.

200 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

ment auec les Algonquins, pour leur faire la guerre,
& qu ils auoient tue fon camarade. C eftoit vn
Algonquin qui 1 auoit mis & mort, allant en guerre,
comme nous 1 auons marque" au 3. de Nouembre. II
n en falloit pas dauantage pour animer ces furieux,
qui auoient defia conclud la mort de quelques-vns, &
la captiuite" des autres. Us voulurent neantmoins
agir de concert auec les Agneronnons, [43] qui ne
pouuoient non plus que les autres, goufler la deten
tion de leurs Gens, la croiant tres-iniufte.

Nos pauures Francois efloient cependant bien
e"tonnez, de n apprendre aucune nouuelle affeuree
ny de Kebec, ny des trois Riuieres, ny de Montreal.
Ces Barbares leur auoient entierement interdit ce
commerce : fi bien que les ordres de Monfieur Daille-
bouft ne furent point rendus a Monfieur Du Puis,
qui commandoit les Soldats, ny aucune lettre k qui
que ce fuft des Frangois.

Le 17. du mois de Nouembre de la mefme anne"e
1657. Parut a Kebec vne chalouppe pleine de Sau-
uages, qui apporta nouuelle, que plus de foixante
canots chargez de pelteries, eftoient abordez aux trois
Riuieres. Us venoient de la Nation des poiffons
blancs, & d autres peuples encore plus eloignez du
grand Fleuue, dont quelques-vns n auoient iamais
veu ny Fra^ois, ny Europeans. Us efloient enui-
ron trois ou quatre perfonnes en chaque canot, tous
gens bien-faits, & de belle taille.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-38 201

The Onnontagueronnon sent by Monsieur de Mai-
sonneufve did still worse ; for lie told the chief men
of his Nation that the French had principally allied
themselves with the Algonquins, in order to make
war upon them, and that they had killed his com
panion. It was an Algonquin going to war who
killed the latter, as we noted under date of November
3. Nothing more was needed to excite those mad
men, who had already determined upon the death of
some and the captivity of the others. Yet they
wished to act in concert with the Agneronnons, [43]
who could not, any more than the others, relish the
detention of their Men, thinking it very unjust.

Our poor Frenchmen were meanwhile much sur
prised not to receive any authentic tidings from
either Kebec, three Rivers, or Montreal. Those
Barbarians had cut them off from all such communi
cation, so that Monsieur Dailleboust s orders were
not delivered to Monsieur Du Puis, who commanded
the Soldiers; nor was any letter transmitted to a
single one of the Frenchmen.

On the i /th of November of the same year, 1657,
there appeared at Kebec a shallop full of Savages,
who brought word that more than sixty canoes, laden
with furs, had arrived at three Rivers. They came
from the Nation of the poissons blancs, and from other
tribes still farther distant from the great River;
some of these men had never seen either Frenchmen
or Europeans. There were about three or four
persons in each canoe, all of fine appearance and
tall stature.

202 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

[44] CHAPITRE IV.

CONTINUATION DU IOURNAL.

IE ne f9ay pas en quel temps les trois Agneronnons
enuoiez par Monfieurs Daillebouft, arriuerent ati
bourg d Anniegue. le ne fgay non plus ny le
iour, ny le mois de I arriue e de 1 Onnontagueronnon
delegue par Monfieur de Maifonneufue a Onnontague :
mais ie f9ay bien que

Le 3. de lanuier de cette annee 1658. trois Agne
ronnons, differens des trois qu on auoit renuoiez,
apporterent a Kebec des lettres du Pere Ondefonk,
c eft a dire, du Pere Le Moine, dont voicy I abbrege".

Premierement. Les trois Agneronnons, dit-il, qui
vous vont voir, portent trois prefens a Onontio, c eft
a dire, a Monfieur le Gouuerneur, qui fignifient ces
trois paroles, qu ils vous d6duiront eux-mefmes. Ce
font les Anciens qui parlent par leur bouche, & qui
vous difent: i. Nous auons eft6 [45] tuez en la per-
fonne des Frangois, que nous venons enterrer. 2.
Ondefonk eft viuant; il eft chez nous auffi libre
qu il feroit chez vous. 3. Nous venons requerir nos
neueux detenus entre vos mains.

Secondement. Le Pere adioute, que deux cent
Agneronnons eftoient partis pour s en aller, en chaf-
fant, vers Tadouffac, & qu au Printemps ils deuoient
faire des canots vis a vis de ce quartier-la, fur 1 autre
riue du grand Fleuue, qui a bien dix lieues de largeur
en cet endroit, pour furprendre en fuite tous les

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-38 203

[44] CHAPTER IV.

CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNAL.

I KNOW not when the three Agneronnons sent by
Monsieur Dailleboust reached the village of
Anniegue, neither do I know the day or the
month of the arrival of the Onnontagueronnon
despatched by Monsieur de Maisonneufve to Onnon-
tague; but I know well that,

On the 3rd of January of this year, 1658, three
Agneronnons not the three that had been sent
home brought to Kebec from Father Ondesonk
that is, from Father Le Moine a letter of which I
give a summary.

First, he said : The three Agneronnons visiting
you bear to Onontio that is, to Monsieur the Gov
ernor three presents symbolizing the three follow
ing articles, which they themselves will state to you.
The Elders speak through their mouths and say : i .
We have been [45] killed in the persons of the
French, whom we come to bury. 2. Ondesonk is
alive, and is as free in our country as he would be in
yours. 3. We come to ask for our nephews now
in your hands.

Secondly, the Father added that two hundred
Agneronnons had started on a hunting expedition
toward Tadoussac ; that in the Spring they were to
make some canoes opposite that place, on the other
bank of the great River, which is fully ten leagues
wide there; and that then it was their purpose to

204

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Montaignets & les Algonquins, qui retournent ordi-
nairement de leur grande chaffe en ce temps-la.
Les deux principaux Capitaines de cette troupe fe
nomment Aouigat6 & Anguieout.

En troifieme lieu, vne autre bande de 400. Soldats
eft auffi partie pour s aller ioindre aux Iroquois d en-
haut, & pour faire auec eux vn gros d enuiron 1200.
hommes, afin d entrer dans le pais des Outaouak, &
tirer vengeance de la mort de trente de leurs Gens,
qui furent tuez en guerre, il y a enuiron [46] vn an,
dans ces cqntrees fort eloignees des Iroquois. Teha-
rihoguen eft General de cette petite armee.

En quatrieme lieu. II dit que les trois Ambaff a-
deurs ne font que de ieunes gens, qui deuoient aller
en guerre auec les autres; mais qu on les a detachez
de leur gros, & qu on les a enuoiez a Kebec, pour
retirer les prifonniers des mains des Fran?ois: &
qu il n y a plus dans les bourgs de 1 Agneronnon que
des vieillards, toute la ieuneffe eftant partie de"s le
mois de lanuier pour la guerre; fi bien que fi leurs
ennemis paroiffoient, qu ils detruiroient tout leur

pais.

En cinquie"me lieu. II deplore la calamite
pauures Hurons, qui s eftant confiez k ces perfides,
les ont fuiuis dans leur pais, ou ils font traitez comme
des efclaues. Le mary eft fepare de fa femme, les
enfansde leurs peres & meres; en vn mot, ilsferuent
de beftes de charge a ces Barbares. C eft vn aduis
aux Hurons qui reftent, & qui demeurent encore
parmy les Frangois, pour ne fe pas fier aif6ment aux
Iroquois, s ils ne veulent perdre [47] le corps &
1 ame. Voila fommairement le contenu des lettres,
que le Pere Le Moine ecriuit a nos Peres de Kebec.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-38 205

surprise all the Montagnais and the Algonquins, who
ordinarily return at that season from their great
hunting excursions. The two chief Captains of
that party were called Aouigate and Anguieout.

In the third place, another band of 400 Soldiers had
also set out to join the upper Iroquois and form with
them a body of about 1200 men, for the purpose of
invading the country of the Outaouak and wreaking
vengeance for the death of thirty of their own Peo
ple, who were killed in war about [46] a year ago, in
those regions far distant from the Iroquois. Tehari-
hoguen was General of that little army.

In the fourth place, he said that the three Ambas
sadors were only young men who were to have gone
to war with the others; but that they had been
detailed from the main body and sent to Kebec, to
recover the prisoners from the hands of the French ;
that there were only old men left in the Agneronnon
villages, all the young men having gone to war in
January; and that, consequently, if their enemies
appeared, they would destroy their whole country.

In the fifth place, he deplored the calamity that
had befallen the poor Hurons, who had placed confi
dence in those traitors and had followed them into
their country, where they were treated as slaves.
The husband was separated from the wife, and the
children from their parents ; in short, they were serv
ing those Barbarians as beasts of burden. It was a
warning to the Hurons who remained and who still
dwelt among the French, not to trust themselves
lightly to the Iroquois, unless they wished to lose
[47] body and soul. Such, in brief, were the contents
of the letter written by Father Le Moine to our
Fathers at Kebec. Let us now come to what was

206 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

Venons maintenant & ce qui fe fit publiquement, en
fuite de la venue de ces Ambaffadeurs, dont le plus
age n auoit pas plus de trente ans, les deux autres
paroiffoient quafi des enfans.

Le i . iour de Feurier. Monfieur Daillebouft affem-
bla les Frangois, & puis apres les Sauuages, pour
leur communiquer les nouuelles apporte"es par ces
trois Iroquois, & qui on donna audience

Le 4. iour du mefme mois. Le plus age des trois
tira neuf colliers de porcelaine affez beaux. II en
pref enta fept a Onontio ; & deux aux Sauuages nos
Alliez, auec ces paroles, i. Ondefonk eft en vie, il
fe porte bien, il loge dans nos cabanes. 2. Les Iro
quois & les Hollandois font liez d vne chaifne de fer,
leur amitie ne f e peut rompre ; voilk pour faire entrer
Onontio dans ce lien. 3. Nous ne fcauons pas qui
a tue les Frangois a Montreal: c eft bien le Sonnon-
toueronnon, ou 1 Onnontagueronnon, [48] ou 1 On-
nei otchronnon ; mais nous ne fcauons pas lequel des
trois: nous fgauons feulement que ce n eft pas
1 Agneronnon. 4. le me r6ioiiis fort de voir mes
freres en vie, voilS. pour en t6moigner ma ioie & mon
contentement. 5. Et pour marque que ie les voudrois
bien voir en mon pai s, ie vous fay ce prefent. Au
fixieme prefent il dit : Ce collier feruira de marteau,
pour rompre leurs fers, & pour les mettre en liberte.
7. Et cet autre fournira les befoins neceffaires pour
leur retour. 8. Pour toy, Algonquin & Huron, ce
que i offre te fera fgauoir que mon coeur eft toufiours
en bonne affiette : dis-nous en quelle pofture eft le
tien? 9. Voicy vn obftacle, pour empefcher que tu
ne me bleffe en la maifon d Onontio: cache ta hache
& ton couteau, fi tu en as, car tu luy ferois honte en

1656-58] RELATION OF ibtf-s* 207

said in public after the arrival of these Ambassadors,
the oldest of whom was not over thirty years of
age, while the other two appeared almost like boys.

On the ist day of February, Monsieur Dailleboust
assembled the French, and afterward the Savages,
to communicate to them the tidings brought by these
three Iroquois. Audience was given to these,

On the 4th day of the same month. The eldest of
the three produced nine porcelain collars of consid
erable beauty, of which he presented seven to
Onontio and two to the Savages, our Allies, with
these words: i. "Ondesonk is alive and well; he
lodges in our cabins." 2.. "The Iroquois and the
Dutch are united by a chain of iron, and their friend
ship cannot be broken ; this is to make Onontio enter
that union." 3. "We know not who killed the
Frenchmen at Montreal. It must have been the
Sonnontoueronnon or the Onnontagueronnon [48] or
the Onneiotchronnon, but we know not which of the
three ; we only know that it was not the Agneron-
non." 4. I rejoice greatly to see my brothers
alive; this is to testify my joy and satisfaction."
5. "As a proof that I would much like to see them
in my country, I make you this present. At the
sixth present he said : This collar will serve as a
hammer to break their irons and set them free." 7.
And this other will furnish the things needful for
their return." 8. "As for thee, Algonquin and
Huron, what I offer thee will show thee that my
heart is still in the right place. Tell us in what
attitude is thine own." 9. " Here is an obstacle to
prevent thee from wounding me in Onontio s house.
Hide thy hatchet and knife, if thou hast any; for
thou wouldst put him to shame by hurting me."

208

LES RELA TIONS DES JES UITES [VOL. 44

me bleffant. Ce petit abbrege de la harangue d vn
Barbare fait voir que 1 efprit ne leur manque pas,
mais bien 1 education, & la connoiffance du vray

Dieu.

Le 5. de Feurier. Monfieur Daillebouft [49] tint
vne affemblee de Francois, & en 1 Ifle il fit venir les
Hurons & les Algonquins, & dans ces deux affem-
blees fut arrefte, ce qu on deuoit re"pondre a ces trois
Ambaffadeurs, ou Meffagers. Monfieur Dail[le]bouft
fit ecrire la reponfe, & la donna & fon interprete, qui
la rapporta publiquement, comme ie vay dire.

Le 12. du mefme mois, les Frangois, les Algon
quins, & les Hurons, s eftant rendus dans vne grande
Salle, les trois Agneronnons s y trouuerent; le Tru-
chement Fran9ois leur parla a peu pres en ces termes,
s accommodant au genie & aux couftumes du pai s.

C eft chofe 6tonnante que, toy Agneronnon, tu ne
m eftimes qu vn enfant. Si ie te parle, tu fais fem-
blant de m 6couter. Tu me traites comme fi i eftois
ton captif, t imaginant que tu me tueras, quand tu
voudras. Tu ne me mets pas au nombre des hom-
mes : tu me prens pour vn chien. Quand on frappe
vn chien, il crie, il s enfuit, & fi on luy prefente a
manger, il reuient, & flatte celuy qui 1 a frappe [50]
Toy Agneronnon, tu me tues; moy qui fuis Frangois,
ie crie, on m a tue, & tu me iette vn collier de porce-
laine, comme en me fiattant, & en te mocquant.
Tay-toy, me dis-tu, nous fommes bons amis. Sga-
ches que le Frangois entend bien la guerre : il tirera
raifon de ta perfidie, qui dure depuis fi long-temps.
II ne fouffrira plus que tu le meprifes. II n y a qu vn
mot qui ferue. Fay fatisfadtion, ou dis qui a fait le
meurtre. Ie ne repondray plus k tes paroles. Tu

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 209

This short summary of a Barbarian s harangue
makes evident that they are not lacking in intelli
gence, but rather in education, and in a knowledge
of the true God.

On the 5th of February, Monsieur Dailleboust [49]
held an assembly of Frenchmen ; and, upon the
Island, he called together the Hurons and Algon-
quins. In these two assemblies it was decided what
answer should be made to the three Ambassadors or
Messengers. Monsieur Dailleboust had the reply
written, and gave it to his interpreter, who delivered
it in public, as I am about to relate.

On the 1 2th of the same month, the French, Algon-
quins, and Hurons having assembled in a great Hall,
the three Agneronnons entered, and the French Inter
preter addressed them nearly as follows, adapting him
self to the peculiarities and customs of the country :

" It is a strange thing that thou, Agneronnon, con-
siderest me only a child. If I speak to thee, thou
pretendest to hear me. Thou treatest me as if I
were thy captive, imagining that thou wilt kill me
when thou choosest. Thou dost not rate me with
men, but takest me for a dog. When a dog is beaten,
he howls and runs away; but if he be given some
thing to eat, he comes back and fawns on him who
beat him. [50] Thou, Agneronnon, killest me; and
I, the Frenchman, cry out, I am killed; and thou
mockingly throwest me a porcelain collar, as if to
soothe me. Be still, thou sayest to me; we are
good friends. Know that the Frenchman thoroughly
understands war, and will exact satisfaction for thy
perfidy, which has continued so long; he will no
longer suffer thee to despise him. There is only one
word that fits the case; render satisfaction, or tell

210

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

n agis pas en homme: tu ne gardes aucune de tes
promeffes. le fay bien que ton armee eft en cam-
pagne: tu 1 as dit, paffant a Montreal, a l Onno[n]ta-
gueronnon: tu 1 as dit a tes compatriotes, qui font
detenus aux Trois Riuieres. Et cependant tu crois
m amufer auec vn collier de porcelaine. Le fang de
mes freres crie bien haut: fi bien-toft ie ne fuis
appaife", ie donneray fatisfadtion a leurs ames. D ou
vient qu Ondefonk neparoift point icy: c eft luy que
ie demandois, & non pas fon ecriture, qui eft defia fi
vieille, que ie ne la connois plus? Tu es fi effronte",
[5 1] que tu ofes bien redemander quelques haches,
& quelques haillons qu on a pris a quelques-vns de
tes Gens. As-tu rapport6 ce que tes compatriotes
ont pille? ce que vous auez vole depuis deux ans
dans les maifons Francoifes? Quittes tes trahifons:
faifons la guerre, fi tu ne veux la paix : le Franfois
ne fcait que c eft de craindre, quand vne fois il eft
refolu a la guerre.

Tu demandes a 1 Algonquin & au Huron, ce qu ils
ont dans le cceur. Ton frere 1 Onnontagueronnon a
tue les Hurons, & tu venois pour maffacrer les Al-
gonquins, & tu leur demandes ce qu ils ont dans le
cceur? Us fouffrent que ie te conferue la vie, pource
qu ils m obeiffent; & n eftoit qu ils me refpedtent, le
collier dont tu leur as fait prefent, auroit feruy de
licol pour t etrangler. Vn Capitaine Algonquin
aiouta ce peu de paroles. Tu dis que tu n as pas
oiiy parler de la mort des Frangois : penf es-tu que
nous foions fi enfans de croire, que tu n as pas veu
leurs cheuelures, que tes Gens ont port6 dans leur
pal s? Vous [52] ne faites qu vne cabane de cinq
feux, tous tant que vous eftes, & tu n aurois pas

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 211

who committed the murder. I will not answer thy
speech at greater length. Thou dost not act like a
man ; thou keepest none of thy promises. I am well
aware that thy army has taken the field ; thou saidst
as much to the Onnontagueronnon, upon calling at
Montreal, and also to thy countrymen in custody at
Three Rivers. And yet thou thinkest to beguile me
with a collar of porcelain. The blood of my breth
ren cries out very loud; and, if I be not soon
appeased, I will render satisfaction to their souls.
How is it that Ondesonk does not appear here? I
asked for him and not for his writing, which is
already so old that I no longer recognize it. Thou
hast the effrontery actually [51] to dare ask the
restoration of some hatchets and rags taken from cer
tain of thy People. Hast thou brought back the
plunder taken by thy countrymen, the things stolen
during the last two years from French houses ? Drop
thy treachery, and let us make war if thou wilt not
have peace. The Frenchman knows not what it is
to fear, when once he is determined upon war.

" Thou askest the Algonquin and the Huron what
they have in their hearts. Thy brother, the Onnon
tagueronnon, has slain the Hurons, and thou earnest
to murder the Algonquins ; dost thou ask them what
they have in their hearts? They suffer me to save
thy life, because they obey me ; but were it not that
they respect me, the collar that thou gavest them
as a present would serve them as a halter wherewith
to strangle thee." An Algonquin Captain added
these few words: " Thou sayest that thou hast not
heard of the Frenchmen s death. Thinkest thou we
are such children as to believe that thou didst not
see their scalps, which thy People carried to their

212 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

regarde ces trophees? Ondefonk t a fait voir ton
neueu, qu Onontio & moy t auons renuoie: en as-tu
dit vn f eul mot de reconnoiff ance ? // parle du ieune
Iroquois pris en guerre par vn Algonquin, qui le donna a
Monfieur de Laufon Gouuerneur du pa is, lequel V enuoia
en France, ou ayant demeur^ quelque temps, il repaffa a
Kebec fan 1657. & de la fut reconduit en f on pa is par le
Pere le Maine, comme nous auons dit cy-deffus.

L Algonquin pourfuiuit fon difcours. An refte,
mon frere, (dit-il a 1 Agneronnon) ne t 6tonnes point
de voir tes Gens aux fers: Onontio qui eft noftre
Pere, nous y fait bien mettre, quand nous nous
fommes enyurez.

Pour conclufion. L Agneronnon voiant que le
Confeil fe diffippoit, & qu on ne parloit point de le
renuoier en fon pai s, fit encore deux prefens. Au
premier, il dit. le ne connois point le meurtrier des
Fran9ois. I ay appris, paffant a Montreal, que c eftoit
rOnneiotchronnon, ou 1 Oiogueronnon: [53] mais li
tu voulois, Onontio, que deux ou trois de nous autres
allaffions porter nouuelle a nos Anciens, de 1 eftat de
nos affaires, tu verrois au Printemps Ondefonk, & les
meurtriers. Au fecond prefent. En attendant (fit-il)
la pleine & entiere fatisfadtion pour ces meurtres,
i effuie, par auance, le fang des morts repandu fur la
terre. Changeons de propos.

Pendant qu on faifoit ces affemblees a Kebec, &
qu on tenoit ces Confeils, les Agneronnons en tinrent
vn fort fecret, au mois de Feurier, ou vn petit
nombre des principaux & des Anciens de toutes les
Nations fe trouuerent, dans lequel il fut refolu,
qu auffi-toft qu on auroit retir les Agneronnons &
les Onnontagueronnons, qui eftoient entre les mains

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 213

country? Your [52] people constitute but a single
cabin, with five fires; and yet hast thou not seen
those trophies? Ondesonk presented to thee thy
nephew, whom Onontio and I sent back to thee ;
hast thou uttered a single word of gratitude for
that ? He referred to the young Iroquois captured in
war by an Algonquin, who gave him to Monsieur de
Lauson, Governor of the country. The latter sent him to
France, where he remained for some time. Then he
returned to Kebec in the year 1657, and thence was taken
back to his own country by Father le Maine, as we related
above.

The Algonquin continued his speech. " Further
more, my brother (said he to the Agneronnon),
" be not astonished at seeing thy Countrymen in
irons. Onontio, who is our Father, often treats us
so when we are drunk."

In conclusion, the Agneronnon, seeing that the
Council was adjourning, and that no one spoke of
sending him back to his own country, presented two
more gifts. With the first he said : " I do not know
the murderer of the Frenchmen. When I called at
Montreal, I learned that it was the Onneiotchronnon
or the Oiogueronnon ; [53] but if, Onontio, thou wilt
let two or three of us go and carry word to our Elders
of the state of our affairs, thou shalt see in the Spring
Ondesonk and the murderers." With the second
present, " Pending full and entire satisfaction" (said
he) " for these murders, I wipe up in advance the
dead men s blood that has been shed on the ground."
Let us change the subject.

While these assemblies were being called and
Councils held at Kebec, the Agneronnons, in the
month of February, held a very secret one, attended

214 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

des Frangois, on feroit main-barTe fur ceux qui
eftoient proche d Onnontague; & que fi Onontio ne
relafchoit point ces prifonniers, on tueroit vne partie
des robes noires, & des Frangois, & on mettroit
1 autre dans les liens, pour en faire echange auec
leurs compatriotes mis aux fers [54] dans les prifons
Frangoifes.

On m a affeur6, que deuant 1 affemblee de ce Con-
feil general des Nations Iroquoifes, il s en eftoit tenu
vn particulier dans Onnontague, oil la mort de nos
Peres & de nos Fra^ois auoit efte conclue; & 1 exe
cution s en deuoit bien-toft faire, fi vn Capitaine,
grand amy de nos Peres, ne 1 euft arreftee par
adreffe, difant, qu il ne falloit pas fe precipiter;
qu on nous egorgeroit bien, quand on voudroit; que
nous ne pouuions pas echapper; qu il falloit attendre
le retour de la ieuneffe, qui eftoit allee en guerre,
pour faire le coup auec plus d affeurance, & auec
moins de danger & de perte.

Quelles eftoient, ie vous prie, les penfees de nos
pauures Peres, a qui ces nouuelles fe difoient en
fecret? A quoy fe pouuoient refoudre cinquante-
trois Frangois, fe voiant enuironnez d ennemis de
tous coftez, apprenant tous les iours, que diuerfes
bandes, & diuerfes troupes defcendoient vers les
Frangois, pour les maffacrer, auffi bien que nos
Sauuages.

[55] On m a dit auffi (ie ne fgay s il eft vray, pource
que ie n ay pas receu tous les memoires que i atten-
dois.) Que nos Peres firent des prefens aux Anciens
d Onnontague, pour empefcher ces entreprifes; mais
ils repondirent, qu ils ne pouuoient pas retenir leur
ieuneffe.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -S* 215

by a small number of the chiefs and Elders of all the
Nations. It was determined there that, as soon as
the Agneronnons and Onnontagueronnons in the
custody of the French should be recovered, violent
hands should be laid on the men near Onnontague;
and that, if Onontio did not release those prisoners,
a part of the black gowns and of the Frenchmen
should be killed, and the rest placed in confinement,
to be exchanged for their countrymen who had been
put in irons [54] in the French prisons.

I have been informed that, before this general
Council of the Iroquois Nations convened, a special
one had been held in Onnontagu6, where the death
of our Fathers and of our Frenchmen was determined
upon. The execution of this decree was to have
followed soon, had not a Captain, who was a great
friend of our Fathers, adroitly stayed proceedings,
saying that they must not be hasty ; our throats could
easily be cut whenever they chose; we could not
escape ; and, in order to strike the blow with more
safety and less danger of loss, they must await the
return of the young men who had gone to war.

What, I pray you, were the thoughts of our poor
Fathers, to whom this news was told in private?
What resolution could be adopted by fifty-three
Frenchmen, upon seeing themselves surrounded by
enemies on all sides, and learning every day that
various bands and companies were on their way down
to our French people, bent on massacring them as
well as our Savages?

[55] I have also been told (I do not know whether
it is true, because I have not received all the memoirs
I expected) that our Fathers, in order to arrest
these undertakings, made presents to the Elders of

216

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL, 4 4

On dit encore, que les meurtriers des trois Fran-
9ois de Montreal, eftant interrogez, pourquoy ils
auoient attaquez les Franois, puifque la paix eftoit
faite auec eux? repondirent en fe mocquant. Les
Francois tiennent entre leurs bras les Hurons & les
Algonquins, il ne faut done pas s etonner, fi en vou-
lant frapper les vns, les coups tombent quelquefois
fur les autres.

Enfin nos Fra^ois ont recours a Dieu. La crainte
des feux & de 1 efclauage les penfa diuifer, mais inci-
dit illis conftlium bonum: ils s vnirent tous enfemble,
& prirent vn bon confeil. Si bien que

Le 20. de Mars, ils abandonnerent leur maifon,
comme nous auons dit au Chapitre fecond, & forti-
rent de ce [56] pauure & miferable pais fecoiiant la
pouffiere de leurs pieds, & difant auec les Anges :
curauimus Babylonem, & non ejl fanata, derelinquamus
earn,

Le 25. Le Pere Ondefonk s eflant tranfporte des
Bourgades Iroquoifes en la Nouuelle Hollande, m e"-
criuit vne Lettre, qui m a efte" apportee de Dieppe,
& rendue a Paris, au mois de Nouembre de cette
annee 1658. Fen ay tir6 ce qui fuit. Nos Fra^ois
d Onnontague ne fgauent bonnement, fi nous auons
la paix, ou la guerre : car la derniere bande de nos
meilleurs Chrefliens Hurons, qui montoient volon-
tairement auec eux, pour s aller habituer au pai s des
Onnontagueronnons, ou ils efperoient du fecours
pour leur Chriflianifme, furent tous maffacrez cruelle-
ment au milieu du chemin, par les Barbares con-
dudteurs, & ce a la face de leurs freres les Fra^ois,
qui ne s attendoient pas peut-eftre a meilleur marche.

Pour moy, on me croit mort a Kebec. Les proba-

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657 -58 217

Onnontague ; but the latter replied that they could
not restrain their young men.

It is also said that the murderers of the three Mont
real Frenchmen, on being asked why they had
attacked the French after making peace with them,
mockingly answered: " The French hold the Hurons
and Algonquins in their arms; so it is not to be
wondered at if, when we wish to strike those of one
Nation, the blows sometimes fall upon the others."

At length our Frenchmen had recourse to God.
Fear of the stake and of bondage almost caused a
division of their forces; but incidit illis consilium
bonum, they all united and adopted a wise plan of
action, in pursuance of which

On the 2Oth of March, they forsook their house, as
we have related in the second Chapter, and departed
from that [56] poor and wretched country, shaking the
dust from their feet and saying, with the Angels : Cura-
vimus Babylonem, et non est sanata; derelinquamus earn.

On the 25th, Father Ondesonk, having repaired
from the Iroquois Villages to New Holland, wrote
me a Letter which was brought to me from Dieppe,
reaching Paris in the month of November of this
year, 1658. From it I have extracted the following:
" Our French at Onnontague do not well know
whether we are at peace or at war; for the latest
company of our best Huron Christians, who volun
tarily went up with them to make their abode in the
country of the Onnontagueronnons where they hoped
their Christian religion would receive additional
strength, were all cruelly massacred midway by the
Barbarians conducting them, and that before the
faces of their brethren, the French, who perhaps
expected to fare no better themselves.

218 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

bilitez qu ils en ont, ne font pas petites. Depuis
mon arriuee a [57] Agniegue, il y a tantoft cinq
mois, il s eft fait a Montreal vn maffacre de trois de
leurs principaux habitans, les cheuelures de deux
furent enleuez, & la tefte du troifie"me. On a veu a
Kebec, & aux trois Riuieres, des bandes des guer-
riers Iroquois, qui marchoient, difoient-ils, contre
1 Algonquin. Dans ce doute Monfieur Daillebouft
iugea, qu il eftoit du mieux d en mettre vn bon
nombre aux fers, qui y font encore depuis cinq ou
fix mois.

Cette detention ma penfe caufer la mort, & me
voicy auiourd huy auec les Hollandois, a la veille de
me ietter dans vne barque, qu ils equippent pour
Kebec. De fait on me donne auis de tous pleins
d endroits, que 1 Agneronnon ne m a veu qu a regret
dans fon pal s, ou i affifhois nos Hurons Chreftiens,
depuis I emprifonnement de fes gens.

Au refte nos pauures Algonquins, & d enhaut &
d embas, courent auiourd huy rifque d eftre tous
de"truits, fi Dieu n y met la main: car 1 Iroquois ioue
de fon refte. II a quitte fon pais [58] pour Taller
exterminer: vne partie eft en campagne depuis deux
mois, & ne doit eftre de retour qu a 1 Automne pro-
chain. Son deflein eft d enleuer la grande Bourgade
des Hurons, & des Algonquins, ou le defunt P. Gar-
reau montoit, pour y faire vne belle Miffion. L autre
bande partit des mon arriuee en leur pai s, a deffein
d aller renuerfer tout ce qu elle rencontrera foit au
Sagne, foit a Tadouffac.

Eft-il poffible qu vne petite poignee de mutins,
mette fi long-temps vne barriere fatale a la propaga
tion du faint Euangile? & qu ils fappent la fubfiftance

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 219

" As for me, I am believed at Kebec to be dead;
and the probabilities supporting that conjecture are
not inconsiderable. Since my arrival at [57] Agnie-
gue", nearly five months ago, a murder has been
committed at Montreal, of three of its principal
citizens ; the scalps of two and the head of the third
were carried off. There have been seen, at Kebec
and at three Rivers, bands of Iroquois warriors,
proceeding, as they said, against the Algonquins. In
this suspicious state of things, Monsieur Dailleboust
deemed it best to put a considerable number of them
in irons, where they have remained for five or six
months.

" This detention nearly caused my death, and here
I am to-day with the Dutch, on the eve of consigning
myself to a bark which they are fitting out for Kebec.
Indeed, I am informed from all sides that the Agne-
ronnon felt nothing but regret at my presence in his
country, where, after the imprisonment of his coun
trymen, I was rendering assistance to our Christian
Hurons.

" Furthermore, our poor Algonquins, both upper
and lower, are to-day running the risk of total destruc
tion, unless God interpose. For the Iroquois is
playing his last stake, having left his country [58] in
order to go and exterminate them. A part of them
have been in the field for two months, and are not
expected to return until next Autumn. Their pur
pose is to sweep away the large Village of Hurons and
Algonquins, whither the late Father Garreau was
going, to plant a fine Mission. The remainder left
upon my arrival in their country, planning to put to
rout all whom they might encounter, whether on the
Sagne or at Tadoussac.

220

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

de Canadas? I efpere que Dieu & nos SS. Anges y
mettront la main. V. R. voit affez, quid faclo demum
Jit opus, fed opus eft, mi Pater, feftinato.

De la Nouuelle Hollande Totus in Domino lefu.

le 25. Mars 1658. SIMON LE MOINE.

On voit bien en effet ce qu il faudroit faire, mais
ceux qui ont la bonne volonte, n ont pas toufiours
la puiffance, & ceux qui ont le pouuoir, n ont pas
toufiours le vouloir. C eft en Dieu qu il faut etablir
noftre efperance. [59] Rentrons au chemin que nous
auons quitte".

Le 3. d Auril. Nos Peres & nos Francois apres
mille dangers, arriuerent enfin k Montreal, ou les
glaces s ouurirent pour leur donner paffage. Us
furent contraints d y feiourner enuiron quatorze
iours, a caufe que le bas de la riuiere n eftoit pas
encore libre. Comme le pais des Iroquois eft plus
au Sud, que celuy des Algonquins, ils auoient trouu6
les lacs & les riuieres bien moins glacees. Montreal
les receut auec vne grande charite.

Le 17. d Auril. ils parurent aux Trois Riuieres.
On les regardoit comme des Gens echappez du feu,
& de 1 eau, & des glaces. Ils furent auffi obligez d y
faire quelque petit feiour, pour les mefmes difficultez
du paffage, la Riuiere fe debouchant plus-tard aux
endroits qui font plus au Nord.

Le 23. du mefme mois d Auril. Ils mirent pied ,
terre & Kebec, ou ie m affeure que chacun raconta
plus d vne fois fes auantures. Laiffons-les entretenir
leurs amis, & reprenons [60] noitre lournal.

Nous auons veu cy-deffus, au 12. de Feurier de
cette annee 1658. comme les Ambaffadeurs d Aniegue"

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -jS 221

" Is it possible that a little handful of unruly men
so long oppose a fatal barrier to the propagation of
the holy Gospel, and undermine the foundations of
Canadas ? I hope that God and our Holy Angels will
intervene. Your Reverence sees well enough, quid
facto demum sit opus; sed opus est, mi Pater , festinato.

" New Holland, " Totus in Domino Jesu,

March 25, 1658." " SIMON LE MOINE."

One does indeed see clearly what ought to be done ;
but those who have the good will have not always
the power, and those who have the power have not
always the will. We must place our hope in God.
[59] Let us return to the path we have left.

On the 3rd of April, our Fathers and our French
men, after a thousand dangers, finally reached Mont
real, where the ice opened to give them passage.
They were compelled to tarry there about fourteen
days, because the lower river was not yet clear. As
the country of the Iroquois is farther to the South
than that of the Algonquins, they had found its lakes
and rivers much less obstructed with ice. Montreal
received them with great kindness.

On the 1 7th of April, they appeared at Three
Rivers, where they were looked upon as People
escaped from fire, water, and ice. There, too, they
were obliged to make a short stay, owing to the same
difficulties of passage, the River opening later in
places farther Northward.

On the 23rd of the same month, April, they landed
at Kebec, where, I am sure, each related his adven
tures more than once. Leaving them to entertain
their friends, let us resume [60] our Journal.

We saw above, under date of February 12 of this

222 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

promirent qu on verroit au Printemps Ondefonk.
En effet, il aborda a Montreal, fur la fin du mois de
May. Les Agneronnons, qui le conduifoient, aiant
affeure" Monfieur de Maifonneufue, que fes compa-
triotes n auoient point rompu la paix auec les Fran-
ois, il relafcha & leur priere, & a celle du Pere,
deux Agneronnons, qu il auoit arreftez depuis peu.
Paflant aux Trois Riuieres, le Gouuerneur de la
place les fit embarquer dans vne chalouppe, auec
cinq Agneronnons, qu ils amenoient a Kebec a
Monfieur Daillebouft.

Aufli-tofl on conuoqua vne affemblee de Fran9ois
& de Sauuages nos Alliez, pour entendre ces nou-
ueaux Meffagers ou Ambaffadeurs. Ceux qui s y
trouuerent, s eftant gliffez en bon nombre, de la
Sale du Chafteau, ou du Fort, dans vne gallerie qui
regarde fur le grand Fleuue; cette gallerie eftant
bien caduque, ne fe trouua pas [61] affez forte pour
foutenir tant de monde, fi bien qu elle rompit, &
tous les Fran9ois, & les Sauuages, les libres & les
captifs, fe trouuerent pefle-mefle hors du Fort, fans
auoir paffe" par la porte: perfonne, Dieu mercy, ne
fut notablement endommag6. Chacun eftant rentr6,
les harangues & les prefens fe firent & 1 ordinaire.
le n en ay point fceu le detail, les memoires ne font
pas venus iufques a moy. On m a feulement dit,
que la conclufion de ce Confeil fut, que ceux qui
auoient amene le Pere le Moine, nomm6 par les
Sauuages Ondefonk, s en retourneroient en leurs pai s
auec des prefens, & auec quelques prifonniers, pour
inuiter les Anciens a venir voir Onontio, afin de
conclure vne paix generale, & vniuerfelle entre toutes
les Nations. Ou en attandant cela, on retiendroit

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -58 223

year, 1658, how the Ambassadors from Aniegue"
promised that the French should see Ondesonk in
the Spring; and he did, indeed, land at Montreal
toward the end of the month of May. When the
Agneronnons conducting him assured Monsieur de
Maisonneufve that their countrymen had not broken
the peace with the French, he released, upon their
petition and that of the Father, two Agneronnons
whom he had recently arrested. Upon their arrival
at Three Rivers, the Governor of the place put them
into a shallop with five Agneronnons, and they
were conveyed to Kebec, to Monsieur Dailleboust.

Straightway an assembly of French and of our
Savage Allies was convoked, to hear these new Mes
sengers or Ambassadors. Those who were present
having, in large numbers, slipped from the Hall of
the Castle or Fort into a gallery overlooking the
great River, this gallery, which was badly decayed,
proved not [61] strong enough to support so many
people. Consequently it broke down, and all the
French and Savages, the free and the captive, landed
pell-mell outside the Fort, without having gone out
by the door; but, thank God, no one was seriously
injured. When all had reentered, the harangues
were delivered and presents offered in the usual
manner. I have not learned the details, the account
not having reached me. I was merely informed that,
as a result of this Council, those who had brought
Father le Moine called Ondesonk by the Savages
returned to their own country with presents and some
prisoners, to invite the Elders to visit Onontio for
the purpose of concluding a general peace embracing
all the Nations. Pending that event, it was decided
to retain still a part of the Agneronnons, treating

224 LES RELATIONS DES js UITES [VOL. 44

toufiours vne partie des Agneronnons, & qu on les
traiteroit bien. Us partirent de Kebec an mois de
luin, ie ne f9ay pas le iour precifement.

En ce mefme temps. Le Pere le Moine, qui auoit
demeure" a Montreal, [62] deuant que d aller au pai s
des Agneronnons, y remonta, a la priere de deux
bons & honneftes Ecclefiaftiques qui y demeurent, &
a 1 inftance des habitans, a ce qu on m a rapporte".

Dans le mefme mois de luin, vne bande d Onnei-
otchronnons partis de leur pai s, deuant que nos Peres
& nos Frangois fuffent fortis du Lac de Gannantaa
voifind Onnontague, prirent trois Francois aux Trois
Riuieres, qu ils entraifnerent auec eux en 1 Ifle de
Montreal, ou voulant furprendre quelques-vns de nos
Gens, 1 vn d eux fut tue : ce qui les irrita fi fort, qu ils
brufleret fur la place vn des trois Frangois, qu ils
tenoient captifs, emmenat les deux autres vers leur
pai s, ou Ton dit qu ils les ont fait mourir & petit feu.

Le ii. de luillet. Arriua k Kebec Monfieur le
Vicomte d Argengon, enuoie par fa Maiefte, & par
Meffieurs de la Compagnie de la Nouuelle France,
pour gouuerner le pai s. Auffi-toft que fon nauire
eut mouill6 1 ancre, Monfieur Daillebouft, qui tenoit
fa place en attendant fa venue, [63] 1 alla faliier dans
fon abord, pendant que les habitans de Kebec eftoient
en armes fur le quay. Monfieur Daillebouft eftant
forty, fe met a la tefte des habitans, & Monfieur le
Gouuerneur, apr6s auoir enuoi6 fon Secretaire pour
faire fes complimens, mit pied a terre auec fes gens.
Us montent tous en bel ordre au Chafteau. On luy
prefente les clefs h la porte. Le canon ioiiant de
tous coftez, & dans le Fort, & fur les nauires, faifoit
rouler fon tonnerre fur les eaux, & dans les grandes

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 225

them well. The departure from Kebec was in the
month of June ; I do not know the exact day.

At this same time Father le Moine, who had paused
at Montreal [62] before proceeding to the Agneron-
nons country, returned thither at the solicitation of
two good and worthy Ecclesiastics dwelling there,
and at the urgent request, as I am told, of the inhab
itants.

In the same month of June, a band of Onneiotch-
ronnons, who had set out from their country before
our Fathers and our Frenchmen had left Lake Gan-
nantaa near Onnontague", captured three Frenchmen
at Three Rivers and carried them off with them to
the Island of Montreal. Here, while they were bent
on taking some of our People by surprise, one of
their own number was killed ; which so angered them
that they burned on the spot one of the three French
men whom they held captive, carrying off the other
two to their own country, where they are said to
have been put to death at a slow fire.

On the nth of July, there arrived at Kebec Mon
sieur the Vicomte d Argengon, sent by his Majesty
and Messieurs the members of the Company of New
France to govern the country. As soon as his ship
had dropped anchor, Monsieur Dailleboust, who had
been filling his place until his arrival, [63] went to
salute him as he landed, while the citizens of Kebec
stood at arms upon the quay. Monsieur Dailleboust
came out and put himself at their head; and Mon
sieur the Governor, after sending his Secretary to
present his compliments, landed with his attendants.
They all ascended in fine order to the Castle, at the
door of which the keys were presented to him. The
cannon, saluting on all sides, both in -the Fort and

226 LES RELATIONS DES jS UITES [VOL. 44

forefts du pai s. Aiant pris poffeffion du Fort, il rend
vifite a noflre Seigneur en 1 Eglife de la Paroiffe,
puis en noflre Chapelle, & en fuite il fe tranfporte a
1 Hofpital, & de la aux Vrfulines. Voila vne belle
iourne"e, voions la fuiuante.

Le lendemain, qui eftoit le 12. du mefme mois de
luillet, comme il lauoit fes mains pour fe mettre en
table, on crie aux armes, on dit que les Iroquois
tuent quelques perfonnes, en vn lieu fi peu eloigne",
qu on entendoit les voix des attaquans, & des atta-
ques des maifons voifmes. Monfieur [64] le Gouuer-
neur quitte la compagnie & le difner, leue en vn
moment 220. hommes, fans compter les Hurons &
les Algonquins, qui fe mirent de la partie. II donne
la chaffe a ces coureurs, qui, pour fe fauuer, aban-
donnerent deux enfans Algonquins, qu ils emme-
noient, apres auoir laiffe pour mortes trois pauures
femmes Algonquines, dont 1 vne fut veritablement
tuee fur la place, 1 autre mourut quelque temps apre"s
de fes bleffeures, & la troifie"me en eft rechapp6e.

Le 13. Monfieur le Gouuerneur partit a la pointe
du iour, auec 250. hommes: mais apres fix heures de
marche, ils ne trouuerent que la pifte des Iroquois,
qui s eftoient retirez; fi bien que Monfieur le Gou
uerneur fut contraint de ramener fes gens, auec
refolution de marcher en bon ordre, a toutes les
nouuelles certaines qu il aura des ennemis.

Le 28. Monfieur le Gouuerneur aiant fait 1 hon-
neur a nos Peres, de viflter leur College, qui a la
verite" n eft pas fi peuple que celuy de Paris. Auffi
Rome n eftoit pas fi grande, ny [65] fi triomphante
fous Romulus, que fous Jules Cefar. Mais enfin,
pour petit qu il foit, les ecoliers ne laiflerent pas de

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -38 227

on the ships, sent their thunder rolling over the
waters and through the vast forests of the country.
After taking possession of the Fort, he paid a visit
to our Lord in the Parish Church and afterward in
our Chapel, repairing then to the Hospital, and thence
to the Ursulines . A fine day s events! Let us see
the following.

On the next day, which was the i2th of the same
month, July, while he was washing his hands before
sitting down at table, the cry arose, "To arms!
and a report came that the Iroquois were killing
some people, at a spot so near by that the cries of
both the attacking party and the attacked were heard
from the neighboring houses. Monsieur [64] the
Governor left the company and the dinner, instantly
raised 220 men, without counting the Hurons and
Algonquins who joined the party, and gave chase
to these skirmishers. The latter, in order to make
their escape, dropped two Algonquin children whom
they were carrying away, after leaving as dead three
poor Algonquin women ; one of these had indeed been
killed on the spot, the second died of her wounds
some time afterward, while the third recovered.

On the 1 3th, Monsieur the Governor started forth
at daybreak with 250 men; but after a six hours
march they found only the Iroquois trail, who them
selves had retreated. Hence, Monsieur the Govern
or was forced to lead his men back, determined to
march out in good order at the first certain informa
tion he should receive of the enemy s approach.

On the 28th, Monsieur the Governor honored our
Fathers by visiting their College, which in truth
is not so largely attended as the one in Paris. So
Rome was not as large or [65] as triumphant under

228 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

le receuoir en trois langues : ce qui luy agrea il fort,
comme auffi vne grande troupe de Frangois, & de
Sauuages, qui fe trouuerent en ce rencontre.

Le i. du mois d Aouft. Les Sauuages allerent
faluer Monfieur le Gouuerneur, & luy firent leurs
prefens, pour marque de leur ioie, & de 1 efperance
qu ils ont d eftre deliurez, par fon moien, des maux
que leur font leurs ennemis. Monfieur le Vicomte
leur fit compliment, & leur donna en fuite vn feftin
a la mode du pai s.

Quelque temps apr6s, fur 1 aduis qu il receut, que
deux Iroquois etoient venus aux Trois Riuieres, faire
quelque proportion au Sieur de la Poterie, & croiant,
auec fuiet, que c e*toient des auant-coureurs de
quelque armee, qui venoient epier 1 eftat, la garde, &
la contenance des habitans de ce lieu : il partit auec
150. Francois, & 100. Sauuages, monta iufques aux
Trois Riuieres: mais voiant qu il ne [66] paroiffoit
rien, apres auoir e"tably Gouuerneur particulier de
cette place M r de la Poterie, il donne iufques aux
Ifles du Lac de S. Pierre, fait quelque feiour dans
1 ancienne place du Fort de Richelieu, & le vent ne
luy permettant pas de monter la riuiere, pour aller
iufques a Montreal, il retourne a Kebec auec toute
fa milice.

Le 14. du mefme mois. Vne vingtaine d Agneron-
nons efbant vis h vis du Fort des Trois Riuieres, a
1 autre bord du grand Fleuue, fcachant bien que
Monfieur le Gouuerneur y eftoit arriu6, defcendirent
la nuit vers Kebec, & apres auoir rode a la fourdine
a 1 entour de nos habitations, pour prendre quelque
pauure Huron, ou quelque Algonquin, fe ietterent
fur deux Fra^ois au Cap Rouge; 1 vn eftoit fils d vn

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 229

Romulus as under Julius Caesar. But, after all, small
though the school was, the pupils did not fail to
receive him in three languages, which pleased him
greatly, as also a large company of French and
Savages who were present on this occasion.

On the ist of the month of August, the Savages
went to salute Monsieur the Governor, and presented
him with their gifts, as a sign of their joy and of the
hope which they entertained of being delivered, by
his means, from the ills inflicted upon them by their
enemies. Monsieur the Vicomte paid them his com
pliments, and then gave them a feast, after the
custom of the country.

Some time afterward, receiving information that
two Iroquois had come to Three Rivers to make some
proposition to Sieur de la Poterie; and believing,
with reason, that they were advance -scouts of some
army, and were coming to spy out the condition of
this place, its defense, and the attitude of its inhab
itants, he started out with 150 Frenchmen and 100
Savages, and went up as far as Three Rivers. But not
finding [66] anything in sight, after settling Monsieur
de la Poterie as special Governor over that place, he
pushed on as far as the Islands of Lake St. Pierre,
halted for some time on the old site of Fort Riche
lieu, and, the wind not permitting him to ascend the
river to visit Montreal, returned to Kebec with all
his militia. 19

On the 1 4th of the same month, a score of Agne-
ronnons who were opposite the Fort of Three Rivers,
on the other side of the great River, and who were
well aware that Monsieur the Governor had arrived
there, went down in the night toward Kebec, and,
after prowling stealthily about our settlements to

230 LES RELATIONS DES fS UITES [VOL. 44

habitant nomme Haiot, & 1 autre eftoit feruiteur de
Monfieur Bourdon: ils les pillerent, & les depoiiil-
lerent, fans leur faire autre mal, pource qu ils fe
fauuerent de leurs mains par adreffe.

Sur la fin d Aouft, ces vingt chaffeurs d hommes
& de beftes remonterent [67] en fecret aux Trois
Riuieres. Vn Frangois en aiant apperceu quelques-
vns, qui cherchoient leur proie a pas de larrons,
coucha 1 vn deux en ioue ; mais vn ieune Iroquois le
preuint, & luy tira vn coup de fufil dans le bras:
comme il n eftoit pas loin du bourg, il fe fauua. Ces
Barbares ne croiant pas qu il fuft bleff6, fe diuiferent
en deux bandes ; dix fe cacherent dans 1 epaiffeur des
bois, & les dix autres furent fi temeraires, que de fe
venir pref enter aux Fran9ois, difant qu ils venoient
a la femonce d Onontio, pour traiter d vne bonne
paix generale.

Nous venons de remarquer cy-deffus, au mois de
luin, que les Ambaffadeurs Agneronnons, qui nous
auoient rendu le Pere Ondefonk, auoient eu ordre
de retourner en leur pai s, & de dire a leurs Anciens,
qu on ne relafcheroit point leurs prifonniers, qu ils
ne vinfent eux-mefmes, pour traiter d vne paix
generale entre toutes les Nations. Or foit que ces
Ambaffadeurs euflent rencontre" en chemin ces vingt
chaffeurs ou guerriers, ou [68] que veritablement ils
euflent fait leur rapport au pai s, & que la-deffus ces
vingt hommes fe foient mis en chemin, pour venir
traiter auec les Francois: il eft certain qu ils firent
tous leurs efforts, pour prendre a la derobee, tous les
Hurons & tous les Algonquins, & peut-eftre tous les
FranQois, qu ils auroient pu attraper. Et comme ils
fe voioient en trop grand nombre, pour faire croire

1656 - 58] R EL A TION OF 1657 -58 231

capture some poor Huron or some Algonquin ,
pounced upon two Frenchmen at Cap Rouge. One
was the son of a settler named Haiot, and the other
was a servant of Monsieur Bourdon. They were
robbed and stripped, but received no farther injury,
as they adroitly escaped from the enemy s hands.

Toward the end of August, these twenty hunters
of men and beasts went up again [67] by stealth to
Three Rivers. A Frenchman who saw some of them
stealing like thieves upon their prey, aimed at one of
the band, but was balked of his purpose by a young
Iroquois who shot him in the arm. As he was not
far from the village, he made his escape. These
Barbarians, not thinking that he was wounded,
divided into two bands ; ten remained hiding in the
dense woods, while the remaining ten were so bold
as to go and present themselves before the French,
saying that they came upon Onontio s invitation to
discuss a permanent and general treaty of peace.

We have just noted above, under date of the month
of June, that the Agneronnon Ambassadors who had
restored Father Ondesonk to us had received orders
to return to their own country, and to tell their
Elders that their prisoners would not be released
until they themselves came to arrange for a general
treaty of peace between all the Nations. Now,
whether those Ambassadors had met on the way these
twenty hunters or warriors, or [68] had actually
made their report to the country, whereupon these
twenty men had started out to come and treat with
the French, it is certain that the twenty made every
effort to capture by stealth all the Hurons, all the
Algonquins, and perhaps all the French, whom they
could catch. And, as they found their number too

232 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

qu ils venoient comme des Ambaffadeurs, ils fe diui-
ferent, & ne parurent que dix. Mais ils tomberent
dans la fofle, qu ils preparoient aux autres. Ils nous
vouloient tromper, & ils f urent trompez eux-mefmes :
car celuy qui commandoit aux Trois Riuieres, les fit
prendre par adreffe, & en enuoia fept a Monfieur le
Gouuerneur a Kebec.

Ces pauures miferables penferent eflre maffacrez a
leur abord par les Algonquins, mefme entre les mains
des Franois, quoy qu ils fuffent plus de cinquante
hommes bien armez, pour les conduire depuis le
bord de la riuiere, iufques a vne tour, qui n en eft pas
bien eloigne"e. Monfieur [69] le Gouuerneur n aiant
pas encore d6couuert fa penfe"e aux Algonquins, ils
creurent qu il vouloit deliurer ces prifonniers. C eft
ce qui les fit entrer en furie centre eux, fe fouuenant
des perfidies, des trahifons & des meurtres commis
fur leurs pauures compatriotes. le croy qu ils font
maintenant bien contens du proced6 de Monfieur le
Gouuerneur, voiant qu il prend a cceur les interefts
de la Foy de la Religion, & des Sauuages Chreftiens,
& de tous nos Alliez.

Au refte, le Capitaine de cette bande d Agneron-
nons fe nomme en fa langue Atogouaekoiian, & en
Algonquin, MichtaemiKoiian, c eft a dire, la grande
cuillier. Si c eft celuy qui parut & Kebec, 1 an 1645.
pour traiter de paix auec Monfieur le Cheualier de
Montmagny, c eft vn grand homme bien-fait, hardy,
vaillant, fourbe, eloquent, railleur: ce font les belles
qualitez, qu on remarqua en luy d6s ce temps-la.
Voila en quel eftat eftoit le pai s, le 6. de Sept. de
cette ann6e 1658. que le premier vaifleau leua 1 ancre,
pour retourner en France.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 233

large to make people believe that they came as Am
bassadors, they divided, and only ten presented them
selves. But they fell into the pit which they were
digging for others, and, wishing to deceive us, were
themselves deceived ; for he who was in command at
Three Rivers adroitly effected their capture, and sent
seven of them to Monsieur the Governor at Kebec.

These poor wretches barely escaped being mur
dered by the Algonquins upon landing, even under
guard of the French, who were more than fifty
strong, and well armed for conducting them from
the river bank to a tower not far distant. Monsieur
[69] the Governor not having yet made known his
purpose to the Algonquins, they believed that he
wished to free these prisoners. Hence they became
infuriated against them, remembering the acts of
perfidy, treachery, and murder committed upon their
poor fellow-countrymen. I believe that they are
now well satisfied with Monsieur the Governor s
course of action, seeing that he has at heart the
interests of the Faith, of Religion, of the Christian
Savages, and of all our Allies.

The Captain of this band of Agneronnons to give
further particulars is called in his own tongue
Atogouaekouan, and in the Algonquin, Michtaemi-
kouan, or " the large spoon." If he is the same one
who came to Kebec in 1645, to treat for peace with
Monsieur the Chevalier de Montmagny, he is a tall,
well-formed man, daring, valiant, deceitful, eloquent,
and given to raillery. Such were the fine qualities
observed in him even at that time. This, then, was
the condition of the country on the 6th of September of
this year, 1658, when the first vessel weighed anchor
to return to France.

234 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

[70] CHAPITRE V.

DIUERS CHEMINS DU CANADAS A LA HER DU NORD.

LES NOMS DE PLUSIEURS NATIONS NOUUEL-

LEMENT DECOUUERTES.

PROPTER verba labiorum tuorum ego cuftodiui vias
duras. S. Paul fe pouuoit bien approprier ce
paifage: car en verite les paroles de lefus-
Chrift 1 ont iette dans des chemins bien rudes &
bien fafcheux. Auffi-toft qu il a commence" de pref-
cher 1 Euangile, d etablir 1 Eglife, de procurer le
falut des hommes, il n a trouue par tout que des
croix, dans la ludee, dans la Grece, dans 1 Italic: il
n a trouue* que des calomnies, des perfecutions, des
perils & des dangers, fur mer & fur terre, des luifs
& des Gentils: periculis fluminum, periculis latronum,
periculis ex genere, periculis ex gentibus, periculis in ciui-
tate, periculis in folitudine, periculis in mart, periculis in
faljis fratribus. [71] Voil& comme les Apoftres ont
prefch6 la foy en 1 Afie, & en 1 Europe, & comme il la
faut prefcher en 1 Amerique.

Nos Peres ont tafche de fuiure ces traces, felon
leur petite portee. Ils meurent fur la mer, on les
tue fur la terre, on les brufle, on les mange, on les
calomnie, on les perfecute par tout. Quaji morientes,
& ecce viuimus. Comme des gens qu on fait mourir
tous les iours, & qui font encore viuans. On leur
ferme la porte d vn cofte, ils entrent par vne autre.
Ils fe iettent dans le fleuue du Sagne", le furmontent

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 235

[70] CHAPTER V.

DIFFERENT ROUTES FROM CANADAS TO THE NORTH
SEA. THE NAMES OF MANY RECENTLY-
DISCOVERED NATIONS.

PROPTER verb a labiorum tuorum ego custodivi vias
duras. St. Paul could well appropriate this
passage to himself; for verily the words of
Jesus Christ consigned him to paths that were
indeed rough and toilsome. As soon as he began to
preach the Gospel, plant the Church, and win salva
tion for mankind, he found only crosses everywhere,
in Judea, in Greece, in Italy. He met with naught
but calumny and persecution, perils and dangers, on
land and sea, from Jews and Gentiles periculis
fluminum, periculis latronum, periculis ex genere, periculis
ex gentibus, periculis in civitate, periculis in solitudine,
periculis in mari, periculis in falsis fratribus. [71] In
such wise did the Apostles preach the faith in Asia
and in Europe, and so must it be preached in
America.

Our Fathers have tried to follow in these footsteps,
so far as lay in their slender power; they perish at
sea, are killed on land, are burned, eaten, slandered,
and persecuted everywhere, quasi morientes, et ecce
vivimus, like men who are put to death every day,
and yet live. When one door is closed to them, they
enter by another. They entrust themselves to the
river Sagne, ascend it despite its swift current, pene
trate the gloom of the thickest forests, and go every-

236 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

malgre" fa rapidite : ils penetrent dans les tenebres
des plus e"paiffes forefts, vont par tout chercher de
pauures peuples abandonnez. Les ennemis tuent les
oiiailles & les pafteurs. Ils fuiuent les peuples nom-
tnez les Poiffons blancs, dans leurs pai s: on les met
a mort. Ils montent au pai s des Outaoiiak : on les
maffacre. Ils vont aux Nipifiriniens, & aux Hurons,
& a la Nation Neutre: on les prend en chemin, on
les brufle. On les bannit des Hurons, [72] des Nipifi
riniens, & des autres peuples circonuoifms : ils fe
iettent dans le pai s des Iroquois, ils publient les
grandeurs de Dieu, ils prefchent lefus-Chrift. On
confpire centre eux, & centre les Fra^ois : ou iront-
ils ? que f eront-ils ? La porte eft quafi par tout f ermee
a 1 Euangile. Tout n eft pas encore perdu, la Miffion
de Tadouffac, des Pores-epics, des Poiffons blancs,
& des peuples qui les frequentent: la Miffion des
Abnaquiois, des Hurons, & des Algonquins qui font
reftez, fubfifte encore: & s il plaift a Dieu de ietter
fes yeux fur les Nations nouuellement d6couuertes,
dont vn Pere, grand Miffionnaire, m a enuoie* les noms,
la moiffon fera plus grande, & la Miffion plus fainte
que iamais. Mais e"coutons-le parler.

le vous enuoie, dit-il, quelques memoires, que i ay
tirez, partie de deux Fra^ois, qui ont penetre bien-
auant dans le pai s, partie de plufieurs Sauuages, qui
font t6moins oculaires des chofes que ie vay dire,
lefquelles pourront feruir, pour dreffer vne Carte
generale de ces contrees. Vous [73] verrez dans le
craion que i enuoie, ou i ay pofe" Tadouffac, les Trois
Riuieres, le Lac des Nipifiriniens, & le Grand Sault :
& fi ie ne les ay pas bien placez, vous corrigerez,
s il vous plaift, mon griffonnage, dans lequel vous

1 656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58 237

where in search of poor forsaken tribes. The enemy
slays the sheep and the shepherds. They follow the
people called the Poissons blancs into their country,
and are put to death. They go up to the land of the
Outaouak, and are murdered. They visit the Nipi-
siriniens, the Hurons, and the Neutral Nation, and
are captured on the way and burned. Banished from
among the Hurons, [72] the Nipisiriniens, and other
neighboring tribes, they effect an entrance into the
country of the Iroquois, proclaiming the greatness of
God and preaching Jesus Christ. The people con
spire against them and against the French. Whither
shall they go? What shall they do? Nearly every
where the door is closed to the Gospel. But all is
not yet lost ; the Tadoussac Mission and those to the
Porcupines, the Poissons blancs, and the tribes that
associate with them, still remain ; as do also the Mis
sions to the Abnaquiois, and to the remnants of the
Hurons and Algonquins. And, if it shall please God
to cast his eyes upon the recently-discovered Nations
whose names have been sent me by a Father who is
a great Missionary, the harvest will be richer and
the Mission more holy than ever. But let us hear
him speak.

" I send you," says he, " some memoranda which
I have obtained, partly from two Frenchmen who
have made their way far inland, and partly from
several Savages who are eye-witnesses to the things
which I am about to describe, and which will be of
service in draughting a general Map of those regions.
You [73] will see, in the sketch that I send, where I
have placed Tadoussac, Three Rivers, the Lake of the
Nipisiriniens, and the Great Sault; and, if I have not
located them correctly, you will, if you please, rectify

238 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

verrez auffi les nouueaux chemins, pour aller a la mer
du Nord par Tadouffac, par les Trois Riuieres, & par
les Nipifiriniens, auec la diftance des lieux, felon
les iournees que les Sauuages ont faites, que ie mets
a quinze lieues par iour, en defcendant, a caufe de la
rapidit^ des eaux, & k fept ou huit lieues en
montant. Fay trace ces chemins, fuiuant le Rhun
de vent, que les Sauuages ont marque eux-mefmes,
toufiours entre le Nord-Oueft, & 1 Oueft, ou 1 Oueft
quart de Sur-Oueft, fort peu droit au Nord.

Vous verrez de plus les noms des principales
Nations, que i ay marquees dans la Topographie que
ie vous enuoie, les deiignant par vne feule cabane.
Toutes ces Nations font fixes, & bien peuplees, &
parlent toutes ou franc Algonquin, ou franc [74]
Montagnais, ou franc Abnaquiois : quelques-vns font
vn melange de ces trois langues, qui ont beaucoup
de rapport entre elles : li bien que toutes ces Millions
fe peuuent appeller les Miffions Algonquines, pource
que celuy qui fgaura la langue Algonquine, les
entendra bien-toft, & facilement. Dieu m a donne
vne paffable connoiffance de ces trois langues. Di-
fons deux mots de ces chemins, & de ces Nations.

CHEMINS A LA MER DU NORD.

LE premier chemin a la mer du Nord, partant de
Tadouffac, tire quafi au Nord. En voicy la
route. II faut monter par le fleuue du Sagne, qui fe
d6gorge dans le grand fleuue de S. Laurens & Ta
douffac, & voguer iufques au lac nomme Piouakoua-
mi, diftant de Tadouffac, en droite ligne, enuiron
quarante lieues. Les Sauuages emploient cinq iour-

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -58 239

my scrawl. In it you will also see the new routes
for going to the North sea, by way of Tadoussac, by
way of Three Rivers, and by way of the Nipisiri-
niens, with the distances between places estimated
according to the number of days taken by the Sav
ages to make the journeys ; I reckoned fifteen leagues
a day going down stream, owing to the swiftness
of the current, and seven or eight leagues going
up. I have traced these routes, following the
Rhumb-line marked by the Savages themselves,
always in a direction between Northwest and West,
or West by South; very seldom due North.

" You will also see the names of the principal
Nations, which I have noted on the Map that I send
you, designating each by a single cabin. All these
Nations are stationary and very populous, and all
speak either pure Algonquin, or pure [74] Monta-
gnais, or pure Abnaquiois. Some confuse these three
languages, which much resemble one another, so
that these Missions as a whole may be called the
Algonquin Missions; for any one who learns the
Algonquin language will soon readily understand
them all. God has given me a tolerable acquaintance
with these three tongues. Let us say a few words
about these routes and these Nations."

ROUTES TO THE NORTH SEA.

<( T^HE first route to the North sea, starting from
Tadoussac, runs nearly Northward; its
course is as follows: One must ascend the Sagne"
river, which empties into the great river St. Law
rence at Tadoussac, and paddle up to the lake called
Piouakouami, distant from Tadoussac about forty

240 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

n6es a monter par ce chemin, a caufe des courans, &
des faults qu ils rencontrent; & ils ne font que deux
grandes iourne"es, [75] a defcendre, fauorifez par la
rapidit^ des eaux.

Du lac Piouakouami il faut aller a vn autre lac
nomm6 OutaKouami, diftant du premier, au dire des
Sauuages, comme de Kebec a Montreal, c eft a dire
foixante lieue s, qu ils font en dix iours en montant,
& en cinq iours en defcendant.

Du lac OutaKouami iufques k la mer, ie coniedture,
a les oiiir parler, qu il y a enuiron foixante lieue s.
Ils font ce chemin en cinq iours en defcendant vn
peu par vne grande Baie, ou ance, qui eft vis a vis
de ce lac, fous la ligne du Nord.

A cofte" gauche du lac OutaKouami, tirant a
1 Oueft, vne riuiere venant des terres, ou des forefts,
dont ce pai s eft tout couuert, fe vient de charger dans
ce lac. Les Sauuages difent, qu en montant par
cette riuiere, on rencontre le fleuue Metaberoutin,
que nous appellons les Trois Riuieres, enuiron trois
iourn6es plus auant qu vn lac, qu ils nomment Oua-
pichiouanon; & de la on va trouuer la Baie des
peuples nommez les Kiliftinons, [76] qui font fur la
mer du Nord.

Le fecond chemin pour aller a cette mer, eft par
les Trois Riuieres, tirant au Nord-Oueft. On va
des Trois Riuieres au lac appelle" Ouapichiouanon,
eloigne d enuiron cent-cinquante lieue s de 1 embou-
cheure des Trois Riuieres, dans le fleuue S. Laurens.
Les Sauuages en defcendant font ce chemin en fept
iours.

De ce lac on va droit & la riuiere des OuaKouin-
gouechioueK. Les Sauuages ont fait ce chemin, au

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58 241

leagues in a straight line. The Savages take five
days to go up by this route, because of the currents
and falls which they encounter; but they need only
two long days journey [75] for the descent, being
aided by the swiftness of the current.

" From lake Piouakouami one must proceed to
another lake named Outakouami; the distance be
tween the two, according to the Savages account, is
the same as that between Kebec and Montreal, that
is, sixty leagues, which they accomplish in ten days
going up and in five coming down.

The distance from lake Outakouami to the sea
is, as I infer from their reports, about sixty leagues.
They take five days for this journey, which is
slightly descending, by way of a large Bay or inlet
which is on the same meridian as this lake, toward
the North.

On the left side of lake Outakouami, as you go
toward the West, a river, flowing from the inland
region, or rather from the forests with which this
country is completely covered, empties into this lake.
The Savages say that, on ascending this stream, one
comes to the river Metaberoutin, which we call the
Three Rivers, about three days journey beyond a lake
called by them Ouapichiouanon ; and thence one
proceeds to the Bay of the people named Kilistinons,
[76] who are on the North sea.

" The second route to this sea is by way of the
Three Rivers, going toward the Northwest. One
goes from Three Rivers to the lake called Ouapichi
ouanon, about a hundred and fifty leagues from
where the Three Rivers empty into the St. Law
rence. Coming down, the Savages make this jour
ney in seven days.

242 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

Printemps paffe, en trois iours: il eft bien neant-
moins de quarante lieues ; mais comme il va vn petit
en defcendant, on auance dauantage, comme auffi. le
retardement eft plus grand, quand on y monte.

De la riuiere des OukouingouechioueK, ie compte
enuiron foixante, ou foixante & dix lieues, iufques
en la Baie des Kiliftinons, nommez NiflbourouniK,
& cela fe fait en quatre iours. Vn Sauuage Kiliftinon
eft venu en traite, ou en marchandife, a la fufdite
riuiere des OuKouingouechioueK, il a paffe" 1 Hyuer
auec ces peuples, [77] aufquels il a donne" parole de
retourner au Printemps, auec bon nombre de fes
gens: c eft luy qui affeure, qu il n y a que pour
quatre iours de chemin.

Troifieme chemin. Les Nipifiriniens fortant de
leur lac nomme Nipifm, d ou ils ont tire leur nom de
Nipifiriniens, trouuent la mer du Nord apre"s quinze
iours de chemin; c eft k dire, que leur lac en eft
peut-eftre eloigne" de cent cinquante lieues.

Quatrie"me chemin. Les Achirigouans, qui habi-
tent fur vne riuiere, qui fe va ietter dans la Mer
Douce des Hurons, vont en peu de iournees trafiquer
auec les Kiliftinons AtaouaboufKatouk, qui font fur
la mer. Nous verrons plus-bas, qu il y a de plu-
fieurs fortes de Kiliftinons.

Cinquieme chemin. Les Algonquins fuperieurs
trouuent la mer en fept iourn6es de chemin, fe
rendant en trois iours au lac nomine" Alimibeg, & de
la ils defcendent dans quatre autres iournees, dans
la Baie des Kiliftinons, qui borde la mer.

Voicy encore vn nouueau chemin [78] du pais des
Hurons aux Trois Riuieres, fortant du lac nomine"
Temagami, c eft a dire eau profonde, que ie croy

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 243

" From this lake one proceeds in a straight line to
the river of the Ouakouingouechiouek. Last Spring
the Savages covered this distance in three days,
although it is fully forty leagues ; but, as the route is
slightly descending, progress is the more rapid,
whereas, on the upward journey it is considerably
retarded.

" From the river of the Oukouingouechiouek to
the Bay of the Kilistinons called Nisibourounik, I
estimate the distance at about sixty or seventy
leagues, and it is accomplished in four days. A
Kilistinon Savage, coming to the above-mentioned
river of the Oukouingouechiouek to trade or barter
goods, passed the Winter with these peoples, [77]
and promised them to return in the Spring with
many of his countrymen. He asserts that it is only
a four days journey.

" Third route. The Nipisiriniens, starting from
their lake, which is called Nipisin, and whence
they have taken their name of Nipisiriniens, reach
the North sea in fifteen days ; that is, their lake is
distant therefrom perhaps a hundred and fifty
leagues.

" Fourth route. The Achirigouans, who live on
a river emptying into the Fresh-water Sea of the
Hurons, go in a few days to trade with the Ataoua-
bouskatouk Kilistinons, who are on the sea-shore.
We shall see below that there are several clans of
Kilistinons.

Fifth route. The upper Algonquins reach the sea
in seven days, going in three days to the lake called
Alimibeg, and thence descending in four more days
to the Bay of the Kilistinons, which is on the coast.

" There is a new way still, [78] from the country

244 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

eflre la mer Douce des Hurons, & la fcmrce du grand
fleuue S. Laurens, aiant fait quelque chemin fur ce
grand fleuue, on trauerfe enuiron quinze lieues, par
des petits ruiffeaux, iufques au lac nomm6 Ouaflifa-
nik, d ou fort vn fleuue, qui conduit aux Trois
Riuieres. C eft par ce chemin que vingt-cinq canots
Nipifiriniens arriuerent, il y a enuiron deux ans,
chargez d hommes, de femmes, & d enfans, & de
pelleteries. Us nous dirent, qu ils auoient trouu6
par tout, de 1 orignac, ou des caftors, ou des
poiffons, dont ils faifoient leur nourriture. Us nous
aileuroient qu il feroit facile k nos Francois, partant
des Trois Riuieres, de fe rendre dans vn mois & la
mer Douce des Hurons. Voila des routes plus diffi-
ciles a tenir, que le grand chemin de Paris a Orleans.
Marquons maintenant les noms des Nations nouuelle-
ment decouuertes.

[79] NOMS DE PLUSIEURS NATIONS DECOUUERTES

DEPUIS PEU.

LE Pere Gabriel Dreuillettes, de qui nous auons
tir6 la plus grande partie de ce qui eft con-
tenu dans ce Chapitre, a fait porter le nom de Saint
Michel au premier Bourg, dont il fait mention. Ceux
qui 1 habitent, fe nomment en Algonquin, les Oupou-
teouatamiK. On compte dans ce Bourg enuiron
fept cent hommes, c eft a dire trois mille ames, dau-
tant que pour vn homme, il fe trouue pour le moins
trois ou quatre autres perfonnes, fauoir eft, les
femmes & les enfans. Ils ont pour voifms les KifKa-
coueiaK, & les NegaouichirinioueK. On trouue en
ce Bourg enuiron cent hommes de la Nation du

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -j$ 245

of the Hurons to Three Rivers, starting from the
lake called Temagami, that is, deep water,
which I think is the Fresh-water sea of the Hurons,
and the source of the great St. Lawrence river.
After proceeding some distance on this great river,
one goes across country about fifteen leagues, passing
some small streams, to the lake called Ouassisanik,
whence flows a river which takes one to Three Riv
ers. By this route, about two years ago, twenty-five
Nipisirinien canoes arrived, laden with men, women,
children, and furs. They told us that they had every
where found moose, or beavers, or fish, which had
furnished them with food ; and assured us it would
be easy for our Frenchmen, starting from Three Riv
ers, to reach the Fresh-water sea of the Hurons in a
month. The above routes are more difficult to travel
than the highroad from Paris to Orleans. 20 Let us now
note the names of the recently-discovered Nations."

[79] NAMES OF MANY RECENTLY-DISCOVERED NA
TIONS.

FEATHER Gabriel Dreuillettes, from whom we
1 have obtained the greater part of what is
contained in this Chapter, conferred the name of
Saint Michel upon the first Village which he men
tions. Its inhabitants are called, in Algonquin,
Oupouteouatamik. In this Village there are com
puted to be about seven hundred men ; that is to say,
three thousand souls, since to one man there are at
least three or four other persons, namely, women
and children. They have for neighbors the Kiska-
coueiak and the Negaouichiriniouek. There are in
this Village about a hundred men of the Tobacco

246 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

Petun, qui s y font retirez, fui ant la cruaute* des
Iroquois.

La feconde Nation eft des NOUKCK, des Ouinipe-
goueK, & des MaloumineK. Ces peuples font fort pen
eloignez du Bourg de Saint Michel, ou des Oupouteoua-
tamik. Us recueillent [80] fans femer, vn certain
feigle, qui vient naturellement dans leurs prairies,
qu on tient eftre meilleur que le bled d Inde. C eft
icy, ou enuiron deux cent Algonquins, qui demeu-
roient fur les riues du grand Lac, ou de la mer Douce
des Hurons, du cofte du Nord, fe font refugiez.

La troifieme Nation eft eloignee <T enuiron trois
iourne"es par eau, du Bourg S. Michel, tirant dans les
terres. Elle eft compofee des MaKoutenfaK, & des
OutitchaKouK. Les deux Frangois, qui ont voiage"
en ces contre"es-la, difent que ces peuples font de
tres-douce humeur.

La quatrieme Nation a vn Bourg de mille hommes,
eloigne de trois iournees du Bourg de S. Michel : ce
font quatre ou cinq mille ames.

Lacinquieme Nation, qui fe nomine des AlinioueK,
eft plus nombreufe: on y compte bien 20000.
hommes, & foixante Bourgs: ce font enuiron cent
mille ames. Elle eft . fept iournees de S. Michel,
vers 1 Oueft.

La fixieme Nation, dont les peuples s appellent
les Oumamik, eft diftante [81] de foixante lieues, ou
enuiron, de S. Michel. Elle a bien huit mille
hommes, ce font plus de vingt quatre mille ames.

La feptieme, qu on nomme les PoulaK, c eft & dire,
les Guerriers, contient trente Bourgades, qui font a
1 Oueft, quart de Nord-Oueft, de S. Michel.

La huitieme eft au Nord-Oueft, k dix iournees de

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-58 247

Nation, who took refuge there to escape the cruelty
of the Iroquois.

" The second Nation is composed of the Noukek,
Ouinipegouek, and Malouminek. These people
are but a very short distance from the Village of
Saint Michel, or from the Oupouteouatamik. They
reap, [80] without sowing it, a kind of rye which grows
wild in their meadows, and is considered superior to
Indian corn. About two hundred Algonquins, who
used to dwell on the Northern shores of the great
Lake or the Fresh-water sea of the Hurons, have
taken refuge in this place.

" The third Nation is distant about three days
journey inland, by water, from the Village of St.
Michel. It is composed of the Makoutensak and
Outitchakouk. The two Frenchmen who have made
the journey to those regions say that these people are
of a very gentle disposition.

The fourth Nation has a Village of a thousand
men, distant three days journey from the Village of
St. Michel, its total population being four or five
thousand souls.

: The fifth Nation, called the Aliniouek, is larger ;
it is computed at fully 20,000 men and sixty Villages,
making about a hundred thousand souls in all. It is
seven days journey Westward from St. Michel.

1 The sixth Nation, whose people are called
Oumamik, is distant [81] sixty leagues, or thereabout,
from St. Michel. It has fully eight thousand men, or
more than twenty-four thousand souls.

: The seventh, called the Poulak, or Warriors,
contains thirty Villages, situated West by North
from St. Michel.

; The eighth lies to the Northwest, ten days jour-

248 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

S. Michel. Elle a bien 40. Bourgades, habit6es par
les Na[d]ouechiouek & par les Mantouek.

La neufuie me au de Ik des NadouechioueK, a
trente-cinq lieues ou enuiron du lac Alimibeg, fe
nomme la Nation des AffinipcmalaK, c eft a dire, les
Guerriers de pierre.

La dixi6me Nation eft des Kiliftinons, qui com-
pofent quatre Nations, ou quatre peuples. Les
premiers f e nomment les Kiliftinons AlimibegoueK :
les feconds, les Kiliftinons de la Baie Ataouaboufca-
toueK: les troifiemes, les Kiliftinons des Nipifiri-
niens, pource que les Nipifiriniens ont decouuert
leur pai s, ou ils vont en traite, c eft a dire en
marchandife. Ils [82] ne font qu enuiron fix cent
homines, c eft a dire deux mille cinq cent ames, qui
ne font pas beaucoup fedentaires. Leur naturel eft
fort accoftable.

Les quatrie mes fe nomment Kiliftinons Nifibou-
rounik.

La quatorzieme Nation a trente Bourgades, habi-
te"es par les Atfiftagherronnons. Ils font au Sud-
Oueft quart de Sud, a fix ou fept iourne"es de S. Michel.
Les Onnontagueronnons leur ont declare la guerre
depuis peu.

Le Pere adioute, qu il a appris d vn Capitaine
Nipifirinien, qu en vn feul endroit il auoit veu deux
mille Algonquins cultiuans la terre, & que les autres
Bourgades de la mefme contree eftoient encore plus
peuplees. Le mefme Capitaine afleuroit, que du
cofte" du Sud, & du Sudeft, il y auoit plus de trente
Nations, toutes fedentaires : toutes parlans la langue
Abnaquioife, & toutes plus peuplees, que n eftoient
iadis les Hurons, dont le nombre montoit & trente,

1656 - 58] R EL A TION OF 1657 -58 249

ney from St. Michel, and has fully 40 Villages,
inhabited by the Nadouechiouek and Mantouek.

" The ninth, situated beyond the Nadouechiouek,
thirty-five leagues or thereabout from lake Alimibeg,
is called the Nation of the Assinipoualak, or War
riors of the rock.

" The tenth Nation is that of the Kilistinons, who
comprise four Nations or tribes. Those of the first
are called the Alimibegouek Kilistinons; of the
second, the Kilistinons of Ataouabouscatouek Bay ; of
the third, the Kilistinons of the Nipisiriniens, because
the Nipisiriniens discovered their country, whither
they resort to trade or barter goods. They [82] com
prise only about six hundred men, that is, two thou
sand five hundred souls, and are not very stationary.
They are of a very approachable disposition.

" The people of the fourth tribe are called Nisi-
bourounik Kilistinons.

" The fourteenth Nation has thirty Villages, in
habited by the Atsistagherronnons, and is six or
seven days journey Southwest by South from St.
Michel. The Onnontagueronnons have recently
declared war against them." 21

The Father speaks also of learning from a Nipisi-
rinien Captain that he had seen at one place two
thousand Algonquins tilling the soil; and that the
other Villages of the same country were still more
populous. This Captain asserted that toward the
South and Southeast there were more than thirty
Nations, all stationary, all speaking the Abnaquiois
tongue, and all more populous than were the Hurons
of old, who numbered as many as thirty or thirty-
five thousand souls within the limits of seventeen
leagues.

250 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 44

ou trente-cinq mille ames, en dix-fept lieues de pai s.

[83] le ne parle point, dit le Pere, des Nations
connues de longue main. En effet il ne dit mot
des Kichefipiiriniouek, des Kinonchepiirinik, des
Ounountchatarounongak, des Mataouchkairinik, des
Ouaouechkairiniouek, des Amikouek, des Atchougek,
des Ouafaouanik, des Ouraouakmikoug, des OukisKi-
manitouk, des Maskafmik, des Nikikouek, des Miche-
faking, des Pagouitik, ce font les peuples du grand
Sault; des Kichkankoueiak. Toutes ces Nations,
dont plufieurs ont eft6 mal-traitees des Iroquois, fe
feruent de la langue Algonquine.

Voilk vn beau champ de bataille pour ceux qui vou-
dront entrer en lice, & combattre pour lefus-Chrift.
le f?ay bien que ces peuples ne font pas attraians,
comme ceux qui ont des Empires, & des Republi-
ques, des Princes, & des Rois ; comme ceux qui font
couuerts de foie, & de brocatelle; qui font courtois,
& bien polis: mais il me femble, que lefus-Chrift
n a pas beaucoup prefch6 h ces Gens-la, & que la
foy, la vertu, [84] la faintete, n habitent pas fi fami-
lierement dans les Palais, que dans des maifons de
chaume & de paille, & en vn mot, dans des cabanes.

le f9ay bien que la porte eft maintenant ferm^e
a quantit6 de Nations: que les armes Iroquoifes
troublent toutes les nouuelles Eglifes des Sauuages :
que la guerre caufe vne fi grande confufion par tout,
qu on ne fe connoift quafi plus. Mais ie f9ay bien
auffi, que dans le premier age de 1 Eglife, on iugeoit
quelquefois le Chriflianifme abattu, & puis quelque
temps apres, il fe releuoit, & paroiffoit plus floriffant
que iamais. Fruttum referent in patientia. On fe
hafte de ramaffer promptement les iauelles, & les

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 251

[83] " I do not speak," says the Father, " of the
Nations that have long been known." Indeed,
he says nothing of the Kichesipiiriniouek, the Ki-
nonchepiirinik, the Ounountchatarounongak, the
Mataouchkairinik, the Ouaouechkairiniouek, the
Amikouek, the Atchougek, the Ouasaouanik, the
Ouraouakmikoug, the Oukiskimanitouk, the Mas-
kasinik, the Nikikouek, the Michesaking, the
Pagouitik, people of the great Sault, and the Kich-
kankoueiak. All these Nations, several of whom
have been maltreated by the Iroquois, use the Algon
quin tongue.

That is a fine battle-field for those who intend to
enter the lists and fight for Jesus Christ. I am well
aware that these peoples are not as attractive as those
who have Empires and Republics, Princes and
Kings; or those who are clothed in silk and broca-
tel ; or who are courteous and highly polished. But
it seems to me that Jesus Christ has not preached
much to the People named above; and that faith,
virtue, [84] and holiness do not dwell as familiarly
in Palaces as in houses of thatch and straw in a
word, in cabins.

I know well that the door is now closed to many
Nations, that the Iroquois arms harass all the new
Churches of the Savages, and that the war is causing
so great confusion everywhere that we scarcely know
ourselves any longer. But I also well know that, in
the first age of the Church, Christianity was occa
sionally thought to be prostrated, and that, some
time afterward, it would rise again, and appear more
flourishing than ever. Fructum referent in patientia,
One hastens to gather promptly the sheaves and
bundles of grain that is already cut ; but the Gospel

252

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

gerbes d vn bled defia coupp6 : mais la moiffon Euan-
gelique fe fait in patientia, auec patience, & dans les
fouffrances.

Pour donner courage aux enfans d Ifrael, d entrer
dans la terre qui leur auoit efte promife, on leur fit
voir des fruits de cette terre. Lifez les Relations
precedentes, & vous trouuerez que les Sauuages font
capables [85] de Dieu, auffi-bien que les autres
peuples plus policez. Le don d oraifon, 1 amour des
fouffrances, la charite du prochain, fe trouuent dans
quelques-vns eminemment : ex vngue leonem, de
I gchantillon on connoift toute la piece.

I ay appris tout nouuellement d vne perfonne
venue de Canadas, au mois d Odtobre, qu vn Pere de
noftre Compagnie demandant a vne femme Huronne,
fi elle n auoit pas efte touch6e d vne grande douleur,
apprenant les horribles tourmens, que les Iroquois
auoient fait fouffrir a fon mary. Non, dit-elle, ie
n en ay receu aucune trifteffe. Le Pere tout furpris,
luy en demande la raifon. I ay reconnu, fit-elle,
que Dieu auoit accorde a mon mary, ce qu il luy
demandoit depuis fix moix: car tout 1 Hyuer il ne
f aif oit quafi aucune priere, qu il n aiouta ces paroles :
Tu es le maiftre de la vie ; fi tu veux que les Iroquois
nous attaquent, ne permets pas que ie fois affomm6
d vn coup de hache; mais fay-moy prendre, fay-moy
Her & garrotter; fay-moy traifner en leur pai s, afin
que [86] ie fois brufle", & grille* tout vif. Ie fouffray
toutes leurs cruautez tres-volontiers, pour les pechez
que i ay commis deuant & apre"s mon Baptefme. I ay
tant de regret de t auoir fafch6, toy qui es fi bon, que
ie prendray plaifir d endurer tous ces tourmens.
Voila la priere de mon mary. Dieu luy a accord^ ce

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58 253

harvest is reaped in patientia, in patience and in
suffering.

To encourage the children of Israel to enter the
land that had been promised to them, they were
shown some of the fruits of that land. Read the
foregoing Relations, and you will find that the Sav
ages are as susceptible [85] to the Divine influence as
are other and more civilized nations. The gift of
prayer, the love of suffering, and charity toward
one s neighbor, are found in some in an eminent
degree; ex ungue leonem from the sample the whole
piece is known.

I have quite recently learned from one who came
from Canadas in the month of October that, when a
Father of our Society asked a Huron woman whether
she had not been touched with great sorrow upon
learning of the horrible torments to which the Iro-
quois had subjected her husband, " No," she replied;
I did not feel any grief. The Father, in great sur
prise, asked her the reason. I recognized, said she,
that God had granted my husband what he had been,
for six months, asking at his hands; for all Winter
long he scarcely offered a prayer without adding these
words: Thou art the master of life. If it be thy
will that the Iroquois attack us, suffer me not to be
killed with a hatchet- stroke ; but have me captured,
tied and bound, and dragged off to their country, in
order that [86] I may be burned and broiled alive.
I shall very willingly suffer all their cruelties, for
the sins that I have committed before and after my
Baptism. So great is my regret at having offended
thee, who art so good, that I shall take pleasure in
bearing all those torments. Such was the prayer
of my husband. God has, in order to make him

254 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

qu il demandoit, pour le rendre plus heureux au
Ciel. Pourquoy en ferois-ie trifte? On m a rap-
[por]te (adioutoit cette femme) que pendant le chemin,
qui dura bien vn mois, il chantoit des prieres, il
encourageoit ceux qui eftoient pris auec luy, leur
parlant du Ciel, comme s il eufh defia veu la porte
ouuerte pour y entrer. Lors qu on le brufloit, iamais
il ne s e"tonna, fa veue eftoit le plus fouuent au Ciel.
II fit paroiftre tant de ioie, que les ennemis mefmes
difoient, que la foy donnoit du courage, & oftoit la
crainte & la douleur des tourmens. On offrit beau-
coup de prefens, pour luy fauuer la vie ; mais iamais
les Iroquois ne les voulurent accepter. Qui fouffre
faintement, porte a Dieu les prefens en fa main.

[87] On a de"couuert des Sauuages Chreftiens, porter
la nuit du bois & la porte de quelques pauures gens,
qui n en pouuoient faire, cherchant les tenebres pour
cacher leur charite. D autres aiant commis quelque
offenfe, apres auoir demand6 pardon a Dieu, & ne fe
pouuant confeffer, dautant qu ils eftoient a la chafle
dans leurs grands bois, attachoient aux branches des
arbres quelques brins de porcelaine, ou quelque autre
chofe qu ils aimoient, comme vne marque de leurs
regrets, & de la fatisfadtion qu ils faifoient de leurs
pechez, donnant ces petits prefens, pour 1 amour de
noftre Seigneur, aux pauures qui pafferoient par la.

On demanda vn iour & vn Sauuage, qui eftoit fou
uent & long-temps a genoux pendant la nuit, s il
prioit beaucoup le bon Dieu. Non, dit-il, pource que
ie ne fjay pas ce qu il luy faut dire. le fay les
prieres qu on m a apprifes, tous les foirs, & tous les
matins; mais cela eft bien-toft fait: le refte du
temps, ie penf e & luy, & ie luy dis : Si ie fcauois ce

1 656 - 58 ] R EL A TION OF 1657 -38 255

happier in Heaven, granted him his desire. Why
should I be grieved at that? I was told " (added the
woman) " that on the journey, which lasted fully a
month, he chanted prayers and cheered his fellow-
captives by talking to them about Heaven, as if he
had already seen its door open for entrance. When
he was being burned, he never lost his self-control ;
his eyes were turned Heavenward most of the time.
He manifested such joy, that even the enemy said
that faith imparted courage and took away the fear
and pain of torture. Many presents were offered for
the purpose of saving his life, but the Iroquois would
not accept them." He who suffers with holiness,
carries presents to God in his hand.

[87] Christian Savages have been discovered carry
ing wood in the night to the doors of some poor
people who could not get any themselves, seeking
to hide their deed of charity under cover of the dark
ness. Others, after committing some offense and
asking God s forgiveness for it, being unable to
confess, since they were out hunting in their great
forests, fastened to the branches of trees bits of
porcelain, or something else that was of value to
them, as a sign of their regret and of atonement made
for their sins, giving these little presents, for the
love of our Lord, to the poor who might pass that
way.

One day a Savage, who knelt long and often by
night, was asked whether he prayed much to the
good God. " No," said he, " because I do not know
what I ought to say to him. Every morning and
evening I say the prayers that were taught me ; but
that is soon done, and the rest of the time I think
of him and say to him : If I knew what is fitting to

256 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

qu il te faut [88] dire, ie te le dirois. Tu fjais bien
que ie t aime ; mais ie ne f?ay pas comme il te faut
parler. En quelque endroit que faille, i ay toufiours
cette penf6e, que ie 1 aime, que ie luy voudrois bien
parler, mais que ie ne f9ay pas ce qu il luy faut dire.
Voila vne oraifon bien fimple, & bien pure, qui tient
peu de I entendement, mais beaucoup du cceur. Les
arbres qui portent ces fruits, ne font pas tout morts.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 257

say to thee, [88] I would say it. Thou well know-
est that I love thee, but I know not how I ought to
speak to thee. Wherever I go, I always have this
thought, that I love him, and would like to speak to
him ; but I do not know what to say to him." There
you have a prayer, very simple and pure, which has
little of the head, but much of the heart. The trees
that bear this fruit are not entirely dead.

258 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

CHAPITRE VI.

DE LA MORT D VNE IEUNE HURONNE, RELIGIEUSE

HOSPITALIERE.

LES petit pouffins craignent le milan, les petits
agneaux fui ent le loup, & les petits Sauuages
abhorrent la contrainte. Tout cela prouient
d vn mefme principe, c eft a dire, de la nature. Les
Sauuages pailent quafi toute leur vie, ou a la chaffe,
ou dans des courfes, & dans des voiages, menant fort
f ouuent auec eux leurs f emmes, [89] & leurs enfans ;
li bien qu eftant conceus dans cette paffion, fortifie e
par vne longue habitude, il eft quafi auffi naturel a
leurs enfans d aimer la liberte, qu aux petits canards
d aimer les ruilleaux, & les riuieres. Les Religieufes
Hofpitalieres, & les Vrfulines de Kebec, auoiient que
les petites filles Sauuages ont de 1 efprit, que plufieurs
ont vn bon naturel, qu on les gagne aifement auec
la douceur: mais elles fui ent grandement la con
trainte. On a veu de petites feminariftes, e leue es
dans le Monaftere des Vrfulines, non feulement
pieufes & denotes, mais fi bien inftruites, qu elles
eftoient capables d enfeigner a lire, & a ecrire leur
compagnes. On les voioit faire le petit menage de
la maifon auec adreffe. Enfin, ces pauures enfans
fe voiant aimees, & gouftant mefme la piete, deman-
doient, & preffoient qu on les fift Religieufes: mais
enfin, comme on les retenoit long-temps, pour eprou-
uer leur vocation, & pour les accouiiumer & vne vie

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637 -58 259

CHAPTER VI.

OF THE DEATH OF A YOUNG HURON HOSPITAL

NUN.

LITTLE chickens fear the kite, little lambs run
from the wolf, and little Savages abhor re
straint. All this proceeds from one and the
same cause, namely, nature. The Savages pass
almost their entire lives either in hunting, or in
journeys by land or water, and very often take their
wives [89] and children with them; hence, being
conceived in this passion, which is strengthened by
long habit, their children love liberty almost as
naturally as little ducks take to the brooks and rivers.
The Hospital Nuns and the Ursulines of Kebec
admit that the little Savage girls have intelligence,
that many of them have good dispositions, and that
they are easily won by gentleness; but they have a
strong aversion for constraint. We have seen little
seminarists, reared in the Convent of the Ursulines,
not only pious and devout, but so well taught that
they were capable of teaching their companions to
read and write. We saw them execute the little
domestic duties of the house with skill. Finally,
these poor children, finding themselves loved, and
even having a taste for piety, asked and urged to be
made Nuns; when, however, they were kept long in
confinement, to test their call and habituate them to a
settled and cloistered life, they felt, as they grew older,
[90] the impulse within them to go and come; and

260 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

fedentaire, & renfermer dans vn cloiflre, l age leur
faifant [90] reffentir les inclinations qu elles ont
d aller & de venir, elles difoient franchement a leurs
maiftreffes, qu elles n auoient pas aff ez d efprit, pour
eftre toufiours en place, te"moignant la peine, & les
regrets qu elles auoient de les quitter. Le temps
changera petit a petit cette humeur, & la grace ne
laiflera pas d en gagner quelques-vnes a la Religion,
comme celle, dont la Mere fuperieure de 1 Hoftel-Dieu
de Kebec va parler dans ce Chapitre, qui eft entre
mes mains.

Le fuiet, dit-elle, de la prefente eft e"galement
plein de ioie, & de trifteffe, puifque nous acquerons
vne aduocate au feiour de la gloire, en perdant encore
cette annee vn trefor, que nous poiledions comme
propre. Par la mort de noftre chere Soeur Gene-
uiefue Agnes de tous les Saints, vous diriez que Noftre
Seigneur fe plaift tellement au choix que nous fai-
fons, des filles du pai s pour fon feruice, qu il en a
voulu auffi-toft tirer a foy les premices, nous les
rauiffant pour le Ciel. En effet, le 15. du mois de
Mars 1657. noftre petite Communaute [91] donna la
premiere fille Religieufe, natiue du pai s: & le 3. de
Nouembre de la mefme annexe, la premiere fille
Sauuage, qui aie iamais embraffe la vie Religieufe.
Ceux qui connoiffent 1 humeur des Sauuages, auront
peine afe perfuader, qu vne ieune fille deleur Nation
ait voulu fe captiuer aux exercices de la Religion, &
a garder la clofture : mais la grace qui fait trouuer
de la douceur, & de la facilit6 dans les chofes les
plus repugnantes a la nature, a trouu6 tant d entree
dans le coeur de cette chere fille, que nous auons
toutes admire les aimables conduites de Dieu fur elle.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 261

they frankly told their teachers that they lacked the
sense requisite for constancy, showing the pain and
regret that they felt at leaving them. Time will
gradually change this disposition, and the divine
grace will not fail to win some to the Religious life,
as in the case of her of whom the Mother superior
of the Hostel-Dieu of Kebec is about to tell us in
this Chapter which I now have in hand.

" The subject," she says, " of the present account
is full of joy and sadness alike, since we gain an
advocate in the abode of glory, while also losing, this
year, a treasure that we were holding as our own.
In the death of our dear Sister Geneviefve Agnes de
tous les Saints you would say that Our Lord was so
pleased with our choice of girls of the country for his
service, that he chose to take to himself without
delay their first-fruits, robbing us thereof for Heaven.
In fact, our little Community gave thereto on the
1 5th of the month of March, 1657, [91] the first Nun
of native birth; 22 and, on the 3rd of November of
the same year, the first Savage girl who has ever
embraced the Religious life. Those who know the
Savages temperament, will with difficulty be con
vinced that a young girl of their Nation consented
to subject herself to the exercises of the Religious
life and maintain its seclusion. But grace, which
makes us find sweet and easy those things that are
most repugnant to our nature, gained such access to
that dear girl s heart, that we all marveled at God s
lovable guidance of her steps.

" She was given to us in the month of May, 1650,
when she was between eight and nine years old.
She was the daughter of one of the principal Huron
Captains, and her parents were excellent Christians.

262 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Elle nous flit donne"e le mois de May 1650. age"e

de huit k neuf ans. Elle eftoit fille d vn des princi-

paux Capitaines Hurons. Son pere & fa mere eftoient

excellens Chreftiens. Si-toft qu elle fut auec nous,

elle s appliqua fortement a apprendre la langue Fran-

9oife, & y reiiffit fi bien, qu en moins d vn an elle la

fceut parfaitement. Elle apprit promptement a lire

& ecrire, en forte qu elle furpaffoit [92] toutes fes

compagnes, mefme les Franoifes. Nous auons fou-

uent admire", qu vne fille Sauuage, nourrie & eleu6e

dans les bois, puft fi-toft comprendre ce qu on luy

enfeignoit. Auffi fon efprit n auoit-il rien de fau-

uage, & fon naturel eftoit excellent. Elle ne fgauoit

de quelle couleur etoit le vice ; & s il luy arriuoit de

faire quelque petite faute, elle ne cherchoit point

d excufe, pour la couurir, mais elle s en accufoit

incontinent. Sa grande lincerite eftoit vne marque

de la bont6 de fon coeur. La Maiftrefle des penfion-

naires les reprenant quelquefois en general, ii elle

croioit auoir failly, elle excufoit incontinent les

autres, & prenoit tout le tort fur elle-mefme, ne

pouuant fouffrir qu on accufaft fes compagnes. Auffi

1 aimoient-elles vniquement. Apres qu elle eut

appris a lire & a ecrire, on la mit h la cuiline, pour

la tenir touiours dans vn efprit de foumimon. Elle

s y comporta auec tant de ferueur & d humilite, que

cela nous donnoit a toutes de 1 etonnement. lamais

on ne 1 a entendue fe plaindre, ny [93] murmurer.

Si deux ou trois perfonnes luy commandoient diuerfes

chofes tout ^ la fois, elle ne s en fafchoit point, mais

auec vne grande douceur elle faifoit, autant qu elle

pouuoit, tout ce qui luy eftoit commande. II y auoit

du plaifir a la voir quitter iufques a cinq & fix fois

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 263

As soon as she joined us, she applied herself ear
nestly to learn the French language, in which she
succeeded so well that in less than a year she knew
it perfectly. Reading and writing she quickly
acquired, so that she excelled [92] all her compan
ions, even the French girls. We have often mar
veled that a Savage girl, nurtured and reared in the
woods, could so soon understand what was taught
her. Her mind, too, had no savage traits, and her
disposition was excellent. She knew not of what
color vice was ; and, if she chanced to commit some
little fault, she did not seek to shield it with any
excuse, but charged herself with it immediately.
Her great sincerity was a proof of her goodness of
heart. When the pupils Mistress, as sometimes
happened, gave them a general reproof, if she
thought that she had erred, she at once offered an
excuse for the others and took all the blame upon
herself, as she could not bear that her companions
should be censured. They loved her, therefore,
with a singular affection. After she had learned to
read and write, she was placed in the kitchen, that
she might always be kept in a spirit of submission ;
and there she bore herself with such fervor and
humility as to astonish us all. Never was she heard
to complain or [93] murmur. If two or three per
sons gave her different orders at the same time, she
was never vexed, but, as far as she could, performed
with much sweetness all that she was bidden. It was
a pleasure to see her leave one thing as many as five
or six times, to execute other orders newly given
her; and this she did with as much cheerfulness as
if she had been allowed to follow her own inclina
tion. The ardent desire which she entertained to

264 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL, 44

vne chofe, pour en faire vne autre, qu on luy com-
mandoit de nouueau: ce qu elle faifoit auec autant
de gaiete", que fi on luy euft laiffe faire tout ce qu elle
euft fouhaite. Le grand delir qu elle auoit d eftre
Religieufe, ne luy faifoit rien trouuer de difficile,
quoy que nous I eprouuaffions par toutes fortes de
moiens, fans que pendant fept anne"es qu elle a
demeure auec nous, nous aions pu remarquer aucun
changement dans fon efprit. Elle apprehendoit plus
que la mort, de retourner auec fes parens : en forte
qu vn iour, pluftoft pour I ^prouuer, que pour la
punir d aucune faute qu elle euft faite, on la fit venir
au refedtoire, deuant toute la Communaute", & 1 aiant
reprife affez feuerement, on luy donna le choix, ou
de f ortir du Conuent, [94] ou de receuoir la dif cipline.
Cette pauure innocente n eut pas pluftoft oiiy le mot
de fortir, que les groffes larmes luy coulerent des
yeux; & ioignant les mains, elle nous pria de ne la
point mettre dehors, nous proteftant qu elle eftoit
prefte de receuoir telle penitence qu on voudroit. A
mefme temps elle commenja a fe des-habiller : mais
on n auoit garde de pafler outre. C eft vne chofe
tres-peu vfite e parmy les Sauuages, de tancer leurs
enfans, bien moins de les frapper. II ne fgauent que
c eft de les contrarier en leur ieunefle: d ou on peut
voir, qu il falloit vne grace bien grande en cette ame
innocente, pour la refoudre & ce qu elle apprehendoit
tres-fort naturellement. Ses parens luy aiant donne"
fouuent des attaques, pour 1 obliger a fortir, elle a
toufiours efte" ferme comme vn rocher. Tant de
bonnes difpofitions ont efte" fuiuies de beaucoup de
graces, entre lefquelles celle d eftre receue au Noui-
ciat ne luy eftoit pas la moins confiderable. Ce

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 265

become a Nun made her find nothing difficult,
although we tried her by every means, without
being able to note any change of mind on her part
during the seven years of her sojourn with us. More
than death, she feared going home with her parents.
Thus, one day, rather to try her, than to punish
her for any fault committed, she was summoned to
the refectory before all the Community, and, after a
rather severe reproof, was given her choice between
leaving the Convent [94] and taking the discipline.
That poor innocent had no sooner heard the word
leave, than big tears started from her eyes; and,
joining her hands, she begged us not to send her
away, declaring that she was ready to receive such
punishment as we should choose. At the same time
she began to undress, but we took care not to pro
ceed farther. It is a very rare thing among the
Savages to upbraid their children, and still more so
to beat them. They do not know what it is to oppose
them in anything; whence it can be seen that it
required a very remarkable grace in this innocent
soul to induce her to submit to what she by nature
very greatly feared. Against her parents frequent
assaults to compel her to leave, she was always as
firm as a rock. So many traits of a good disposition
were followed by many favors, among which that of
being admitted to the Novitiate was not the least
considerable in her eyes. This happiness befell her
on the day of the Annunciation of the most blessed
Virgin, [95] in the year 1657, when she began to
discharge the duties of the Religious life with as
much exactness as an old professed nun. She ex
cited our admiration by her humility, sincerity, and
sweetness, and by the devotion which she showed,

266 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

bonheur luy arriua le iour de 1 Annonciation de la
tres-fainte Vierge, [95] de l anne"e 1657. qu elle com-
men9a a faire les fondlions de la Religion, auec
autant d exadtitude, qu vne ancienne profeffe. Elle
donnoit de 1 admiration par fon humilite, par fa
fmcerite", par fa douceur, & par fa deuotion, qu elle
portoit fur tout a la tres-immacule e Mere de Dieu,
qu elle aimoit auec vne tendreffe nompareille. Elle
continuoit, & alloit croiflant dans cette vertu, & nous
donnoit de grandes efperances pour le futur. Mais
noftre Seigneur qui a bien d autres veue s que les
homines, qui eft maiftre abfolu de toutes les crea
tures, en a difpofe tout autrement: car au milieu, ou
pluftoft au commencement de cette belle courfe, il 1 a
rauie a la terre, pour la donner au Ciel, luy enuoiant
vne maladie affez commune aux Sauuages, qui eft
vne efpece de langueur, iointe a vne fieure lente, qui
la confommoit de telle forte, qu elle diminuoit a veue
d oeil, auec vne fluxion accompagne e d vne groffe
toux, qui luy gaftoit toute la poitrine, en forte que
fon poulmon fe deffecha peu k peu.

[96] Nonobftant toutes ces infirmitez, qui en
auroient abattu beaucoup d autres, ou elle monftra
bien que la vertu eft auffi forte, pour 1 animer a la
patience, qu elle auoit paru pailible & tranquille dans
fa plus parfaite fante: car elle ne laiffoit pas de
trauailler autant, & plus que fes forces ne luy permet-
toient, fe trouuant a toutes les obferuances du
Choeur, & de la Communaute": & fi apre"s cela elle
auoit quelque temps de refte, elle 1 emploioit k aller
rendre des vifites au S. Sacrement, ou bien h appren-
dre a chanter, a quoy elle reiiffiffoit bien, aiant vne
fort belle voix. Elle s exergoit fur tout a dire des

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -58 267

especially for the most immaculate Mother of God,
whom she loved most tenderly. She continued and
constantly increased in this virtue, giving us great
hopes for the future. But our Lord, who has far
different views from those of men, and who is abso
lute master of all creatures, ordered her destiny
otherwise; for in the middle, or rather at the begin
ning, of that beautiful career, he snatched her from
earth to give her to Heaven. He visited her with a
malady which is common enough among the Sav
ages, being a kind of weakness, together with a slow
fever; and this so exhausted her, that she wasted
away before our eyes with an inflammation, accom
panied by a severe cough, which affected her whole
chest to such an extent that her lungs were gradually
destroyed.

[96] " Despite all these infirmities, which would
have prostrated many another, she made it fully
evident that her virtue was as powerful in encourag
ing her to be patient, as it had rendered her peaceful
and tranquil during her most perfect health ; for she
did not cease to work as much as, and more than,
her strength permitted her, attending all the observ
ances of the Choir and of the Community; and if,
after that, she had any time left, she would employ
it in paying visits to the Blessed Sacrament, or in
learning to sing, wherein she succeeded well, having
a very fine voice. She practiced especially singing
Lessons from the Tenebrcs, doing it with a charming
devotion and attention, which served as an example
to all of us. Last Lent, although she was even then
ill enough, she did not omit to sing one on each of
the three days of holy Week. Her ailment increas
ing little by little, she was forced to yield and retire

268 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

Legons de Tenebres ; ce qu elle faif oit auec vne deuo-
tion, & vne attention rauiffante, qui nous feruoit a
toutes d exemple. Le dernier Carefme, quoy qu elle
fuft des lors affez mal, elle ne laiffa pas d en chanter
vne, chacun des trois iours de la Semaine-fainte : &
le mal augmentant petit a petit, il luy fallut ceder, &
fe ranger a I lnfirmerie, enuiron la fefle de 1 Affomp-
tion de la Sainte Vierge. Ce fut [97] la qu elle fit voir
tant de douceur, de foumimon, & de vertu, que cela
n eft pas croiable, ne donnant iamais aucun relafche
a fa deuotion. La Mere, qui auoit foin d elle, comme
Infirmiere, & qui eftoit nouuellement arriuee de
France, me difoit fouuent, qu a moins que ie 1 affeu-
raffe, qu elle fuft Sauuage de Nation, elle ne le
croiroit pas, veu qu elle n en voioit aucune marque en
cette chere fille. Ie voy, difoit cette Mere, qu elle
fait tout ce que i ay veu faire aux plus parfaites Reli-
gieufes de France, dans leurs maladies. En effet,
des le commencement de fon mal, elle demanda vn
Crucifix, qu elle ne quitta iamais, & qui eftoit fon
plus ordinaire entretien; elle le carreffoit fans ceffe.
Elle n obmit iamais fes petites prieres, fur tout fon
Chapellet, quoy que fon oppremon fuft violente : &
quand on luy difoit, que cela la faif oit fouffrir dauan-
tage, incontinent fa foumiffion luy mettoit en bouche
ces paroles: Ma Mere, ie feray tout ce qu il vous
plaira ; mais cela f eul eft ma conf olation & mon diuer-
tiffement.

[98] Le naturel Sauuage porte a la liberte, & a
vouloir abfolument ce qui luy plaift, ou fui r ce qui
luy deplaift. Elle auoit parfaitement dompte ces
inclinations ; en forte que fi quelquef ois elle s eftoit
laiflee emporter a quelque legere impatience, on la

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 269

to the Infirmary, at about the time of the feast of
the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin. [97] She
there displayed such sweetness, submission, and
virtue as passes belief, never relaxing the least in
her devotion. The Mother who as Nurse had the
care of her, and who had recently arrived from
France, often said to me that, without my assurance
that the patient was a Savage by Race, she would not
have believed it, since she saw not a single trace of
it in that dear girl. I observe, said this Mother,
that she does everything that I have seen the most
perfect Nuns of France do in their times of sickness.
Indeed, at the very beginning of her illness she asked
for a Crucifix, which she never allowed to leave her,
which furnished her most usual theme for discourse,
and which she fondled unceasingly. She never
omitted her little prayers, least of all her Rosary,
although her suffering was acute ; and when she was
told that this observance made her suffer more, her
submissiveness at once put into her mouth these
words : My Mother, I will do all that you think
best; but that is my sole consolation and diversion.
[98] " The Savage nature demands freedom, and is
marked by an imperious desire for what is pleasing,
or an avoidance of what is displeasing. Such im
pulses she had perfectly overcome ; so that, if she
occasionally allowed herself to be betrayed into some
slight impatience, she was seen a moment later to
recover her self-control, and ask forgiveness a thou
sand times, with admirable humility. So great was
her innocence that, upon being asked sometimes
whether she wished to confess, that angelic soul
would reply: Alas, my God, what shall I say?
Since my last confession I have done nothing. And

270 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

voioit, vn moment apres, reuenir a elle, & demander
pardon mille fois, auec vne humilite admirable. Son
innocence eftoit fi grande, que luy demandant quel-
quefois, fi elle vouloit fe confeffer, cette ame ange-
lique repondoit: Helas! mon Dieu, que diray-ie;
depuis ma derniere confeffion ie n ay rien fait: & a
mefme temps elle fondoit en larmes, craignant que
cela ne procedaft de fon aueuglement. Ah, ie vous
prie, (difoit-elle) examinez moy; car ie n ay point
d efprit, pour me connoiftre. Ce fentiment d elle-
mefme eftoit bien contraire aux penfees de ceux qui
gouuernoient fa confcience. Ils affeurent, qu elle
leur rendoit vn compte exact de tous les mouuemens
de fon cceur, auec beaucoup d intelligence: & ils
proteftent tous, qu elle a probablement conferue [99]
la blancheur de fon innocence baptifmale. lamais,
quelque foibleffe qu elle euft, elle ne put fouffrir de
communier dans fon lit; mais elle prioit qu on la
menaft au Choeur. Elle ne perdit pas vne Commu
nion, tant qu elle fe put traifner a 1 Eglife. Des
difpofitions li rares dans vne fille Sauuage donnerent,
pour ainfi parler, iufqu au cceur de Dieu, qui voulut
pour foy ce fruit meur: de quoy fon Infirmiere s ap-
perceuant, & la voiant d ailleurs dans vn defir extreme
de ioiiir du bonheur d eftre reueftue de noftre faint
habit qu eile demandoit fans ceffe elle-mefme; enfin
on luy accorda cette grace, Ie iour de la fefte de tous
les Saints: ce qui fut fait auec toutes les ceremonies,
que put permettre fa maladie. Si iamais vous auez
veu la ioie, & Ie contentement depeints fur vn vifage,
ce fut fur celuy de cet ange incarne : car quoy qu elle
fuft foible au poffible, elle s aidoit a fe veftir, comme
fi elle euft efte faine. Elle fit [reponfe a] toutes les

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-38 271

at the same time she would burst into tears, fearing
that this perplexity arose from her blindness. Ah,
I pray you (she would say), examine me ; for I am
too dull to know myself. This opinion of herself
was entirely contrary to that entertained by those
who directed her conscience. They declare that she
rendered them, with much intelligence, an exact
account of all the emotions of her heart ; and they
assert that she probably preserved [99] the whiteness
of her baptismal innocence. Never, however great
her weakness, could she endure to receive commun
ion in bed, but begged to be conducted to the
Choir. She did not miss a Communion as long as
she could drag herself to the Church. Traits so rare
in a Savage girl penetrated, so to speak, to the very
heart of God, who wished this ripe fruit for himself.
When her Nurse perceived this, and saw, besides,
that she had an intense desire to enjoy the happiness
of being invested with our holy garb, which she
herself asked for without ceasing, this grace was at
length granted her on all Saints day, and was accom
panied with all the ceremonies that her illness would
allow. If you have ever seen joy and satisfaction
depicted in a face, it was expressed in that of this
angel incarnate; for, though she was enfeebled to
the last degree, she helped in dressing herself as if
she had been well. She answered all the necessary
questions with an unequaled presence of mind. As
soon as she had assumed the dress, she was given
the holy Viaticum, [100] which she received with
charming devotion.

" From that happy day when she saw herself a
Hospital Nun, and daughter of our glorious Father St.
Augustine, it is impossible to describe the rejoicing

272 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

demandes neceffaires, auec vne prefence d efprit
nompareille. Si-toft qu elle eut 1 habit, on luy donna
le faint Viatique, [100] qu elle recent auec vne deuo-
tion rauiffante.

Depuis cet heureux iour, qu elle fe vit Religieufe
Hofpitaliere, & fille de noftre glorieux Pere S. Au-
guftin, il ne fe pent dire quelle eftoit la iubilation de
fon cceur, & les remercimens qu elle nous en ren-
doit a toutes. Si elle nageoit dans la ioie de cette
faueur, noftre petite Communaute n en reffentoit pas
moins, d auoir donne fon faint habit a la premiere
fille Sauuage de ces contrees, qui ait iaraais eu le
bonheur d entrer en Religion : mais nous ne le \sc. la]
poffedafmes pas long-temps fur terre; car Dieu
voulant cueillir ce premier fruit, qui eftoit meur, il
permit que fon mal la iettaft dans 1 extremite; de
quoy fon Infirmiere, qui ne la quittoit ny iour, ny
nuit, m aiant donne auis, ie luy fis adminiftrer auffi-
toft le dernier Sacrement, qu elle receut auec vne
finguliere attention a Dieu, demandant, felon la cou-
ftume, pardon a toute la Communaute prefente, auec
des fentimens d vne veritable fille de la mifericorde,
ne ceffant de produire quantit6 [101] d excellens a<5tes
des plus hautes vertus, que de temps en temps on
luy fuggeroit. Elle fit retirer tout le monde, excepte"
la Superieure, laquelle luy demanda, fi elle feroit
bien-aife de faire les voeux de la fainte prof effion :
noftre chere malade luy dit fagement; que ce luy
feroit vne grande grace, mais qu elle ne la meritoit
pas, & qu elle n ofoit la demander; que fi on la luy
accordoit, fa ioie feroit accomplie. La Superieure
iugeant qu elle auoit encore du temps a viure, ne fe
hafta pas, laiffant paffer ce iour: mais lendemain,

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 273

of her heart and the thanks that she gave us all.
If she reveled in the joy of this favor, our little Com
munity felt no less delight at having given its holy
garb to the first Savage girl of these regions who
ever had the happiness to enter a Religious order.
But we did not long possess her on earth ; for God,
choosing to pluck this first- fruit, which was already
ripe, suffered her ailment to bring her to the point
of death. Her Nurse, who never left her night or
day, notified me of this, and I immediately caused
the last Sacrament to be administered, which she
received with a mind fixed solely on God. Accord
ing to custom, she asked forgiveness of all the
Community present, with the sentiments of a true
daughter of mercy; and offered, without ceasing,
many [101] excellent acts of the highest virtue, to
which she was from time to time prompted. She
made every one retire except the Superior, who
asked her whether she would like to take the vows
of the holy profession. Our dear patient answered
her discreetly that it would be a great favor to her,
but that she did not deserve it and dared not ask it ;
yet, if it were granted her, her joy would be com
plete. The Superior, judging that she had still some
time to live, did not hasten, but allowed that day to
pass. On the following, however, which was Satur
day, seeing that she was nearing her end, she said
to her : My dear Sister, do you wish to take the
vows? Then our dying innocent, as if awaking,
exclaimed with eagerness, Ah, what a passionate
desire I have for that privilege ! Thus the Mother
was obliged to let her take the vows; and in the
same instant she fell into the death-agony. Our
Community was summoned, and with admiration

274 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

qui eftoit vn Samedy, la volant fur les approches de
fa fin, luy dit; Ma chere Soeur, defirez-vous proferer
lesvceux? Alors noffcre innocente agonizante, comme
fe reueillant, dit auec empreffement : Ah, que i ay
de paffion pour ce priuilege. Ce qui obligea la Mere,
de les luy faire prononcer, & au mefme inftant elle
tomba en 1 agonie. Noftre Communaute" aiant efte
appel!6e, elle la voioit auec admiration, former mille
colloques amoureux a N. Seigneur, priant adtuelle-
ment pour Madame la [102] Ducheffe d Eguillon,
noftre chere & illuftre Fondatrice, & pour la conuer-
fion de ceux de fa Nation. Enfin cette ame angelique
quitta la terre dans ce faint Exercice : rendant fon
efprit a celuy qui ne 1 auoit cree que pour luy. Elle
eftoit de fort belle taille, & bien agreable de vifage,
d vn naturel excellent , & d vn efprit au deffus du
commun, non feulement des Sauuages, mais auffi des
Francois. Noftre confolation eft, de poffeder en
depoft, parmy celuy de nos autres Religieufes dece-
dees en la Nouuelle France, le corps de cette petite
Colombe, dont nous nous glorifions d eftre les depo-
fitaires, comme d vn riche trefor. Tous les Sauuages
vinrent, comme a 1 enuie, auec vne ioie nompareille,
pour la voir inhumer dans noftre faint habit : ce qui
les rauiffoit, parce qu elle paroiffoit auec vne beaute"
charmante. Tant il eft vray que la mort des iuftes
eft precieufe en toutes fax^ons. Voila en verit vne
mort bien fainte, & bien precieufe deuant Dieu.
Mais changeons de difcours. Le Chapitre qui fuit,
venu a la trauerfe, [103] nous fera voir, auec vne
gaiete", & vne nai fuete bien naturelle, que les Sau
uages font quafi nos Antipodes en leurs fa?ons de
faire.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -S& 275

saw her engage in many loving colloquies with Our
Lord; she actually prayed for Madame the [102]
Duchess d Eguillon, our dear and illustrious Found
ress, and for the conversion of the people of her
own Nation. Finally, this angelic soul left the earth
in this holy Exercise, giving back her spirit to him
who had created it only for himself. She had a very
fine form and an exceedingly pleasing countenance,
an excellent disposition, and an intelligence above
the average, not only of the Savages, but also of the
French. Our consolation is to possess, in its rest
ing-place among those of our other Nuns deceased
in New France, the body of this little Dove, of
which we glory in being the depositaries, as of a rich
treasure. With an unparalleled joy all the Savages
came, as if vying with one another, to see her buried
in her holy garb, and were delighted at the sight ;
for her appearance was one of charming beauty.
So true is it that the death of the righteous is pre
cious in every way." That truly was a death very
holy and precious before God. But let us change
the subject. The following Chapter, intervening,
[103] will show us, with a liveliness and simplicity
highly natural, that the Savages are almost our
Antipodes in their customs.

276 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

CHAPITRE VII.

DE LA DIUERSITE DES ACTIONS & DES FAONS DE

FAIRE DES FRANCOIS, OU DES EUROPEANS,

& DES SAUUAGES.

IE ne f?ay fi ie me trompe, mais ie dirois volon-
tiers, que 1 organe de nos fens reffemble en
quelque chof e, a la matiere premiere ; qui n aiant
de foy ny beaute, ny difformite, compofe neantmoins
les plus belles chofes, & les plus laides, felon les
formes que les Agens leur donnent. Le temperament
de nos fens, de quelque cofle" qu il vienne, foit de
noftre naiffance, ou de nos habitudes, leur donne de
la pente, ou de 1 auerfion; de 1 amour, ou de la haine,
pour les obiets qui leur font propofez. De cette
fource, a mon aduis, prouient la grande diuerfit6
[104] qu il y a entre les fens des Sauuages, & des
Frangois, ou des Europeans : car vous diriez en plu-
fieurs chofes, que ce qui eft du fucre aux vns, eft de
1 abfynte aux autres. Commenjons par 1 odorat.

II fe trouue en ces quartiers de 1 Amerique, des
animaux, aufquels les Fran9ois ont donne Ie nom de
Rats mufquez, pource qu en effet ils reffemblent aux
rats de France, finon qu ils font bien plus gros, &
qu ils fentent Ie mufc au Printemps. Les Frangois
aiment beaucoup cette odeur ; les Sauuages la rebu-
tent, comme vne puanteur. Ils foignent & fe greffent
la tefte, & la face, auec des huiles, & auec de la
greffe, qui nous put comme la charogne: c eft leur
mufc, leur orengeade, & leur binioin. La rofe, 1 oeil-

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 277

CHAPTER VII.

OF THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE MANNERS AND

CUSTOMS OF THE FRENCH, OR THE EUROPEANS,

AND THOSE OF THE SAVAGES.

1KNOW not whether I am mistaken, but I would
be willing to say that the organs of our senses
resemble, in some respects, primary matter,
which, having neither beauty nor deformity in itself,
yet composes the most beautiful or the most ugly
things, according to the forms given it by the Agents.
The temperament of our senses, whencesoever it
comes, whether from our birth or from our habits,
gives to them inclination or aversion, love or hate,
for the objects presented to them. From this source,
as I believe, arises the great difference [104] that
exists between the senses of the Savages and those
of the French, or of the Europeans ; for you would
say, in many instances, that what is sugar to the
one people is wormwood to the other. Let us begin
with the sense of smell.

There are found, in these regions of America,
animals to which the French have given the name
of musk -Rats, because in truth they resemble the
rats of France, except that they are much larger,
and smell of musk in the Spring. The French are
very fond of this odor ; the Savages dislike it as if it
were a stench. They anoint themselves, and smear
their heads and faces with oils and grease that smell
to us like carrion. It is their musk, their orangeade,

278 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

let, le girofle, la mufcade, & femblables odeurs, qui
nous font agreables, leur font fades : & le tabac, qui
fait mal au cceur a ceux qui n ont point accouftume
de le fentir, fait vne des plus grandes de leurs delices.
Pour 1 oreille. Encore que les Sauuages [105] fe
plaifent fort au chant, vn concert de mufique leur
femble vne confufion de voix: & vne roulade paffe
parmy eux, pour vn gazoiiillis d oifeau. I auoue que
le ramage ne leur eft pas des-agreable : mais leurs
chanfons, qui pour eftre mornes & pefantes, nous
donnent des id6es de la nuit, leur femblent iolies,
comme l 6mail du iour. Us chantent dans les dan
gers, dans les tourmens, & dans les approches de la
mort: les Frangois gardent, pour 1 ordinaire, vn
profond lilence dans tous ces rencontres. Le fel qui
affaifonne toutes les viandes qu on mange en Europe,
les rend ameres au gouft des Sauuages. Leur bou-
can, qui nous eft quad de la fuie, leur eft fort fauou-
reux. La communication des vns auec les autres,
fait que le palais de quelques Frangois s accommode
au boucan, & celuy de quelques Sauuages, aux viandes
fale"es. II eft vray, que iufques icy ie n en ay point
veu, qui n ait eu de 1 horreur du fourmage de
Holande, des raues, des epiceries, de la moutarde, &
de femblables ragoufts. Ie me fouuiens a ce propos,
qu vn Sauuage [106] s eftant rencontre" a table auec
des Frangois, comme on auoit feruy de la moutarde,
la curiofite de goufter de tous nos mets, fans les con-
noitre, luy fit porter fa cuillier dans ce ragouft ; en
aiant pris vne aflez bonne charge, il 1 entonna plus
vifte dans fa bouche, qu on ne luy eut appris, comme
cela fe mangeoit: Dieu fgait s il apprefta a rire &
toute la compagnie? C eft vne gloire parmy les
Sauuages de bien manger, comme parmy plufieurs

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58

and their benzoin. The rose, the pink, the clove,
the nutmeg, and similar odors, which are agreeable
to us, are insipid to them ; and tobacco, which causes
nausea to those unaccustomed to smell it, constitutes
one of their chief delights.

Concerning the sense of hearing, although the Sav
ages [105] take much pleasure in singing, a concert of
music sounds to them like a confusion of voices, and
a roulade like a bird s twittering. I admit that the
warbling of birds is not disagreeable to them ; but
their own songs, which are so heavy and dismal as
to give us ideas of night, seem to them as beautiful
as the blush of dawn. They sing amid dangers, in
torments, and at the approach of death; while the
French usually preserve a deep silence on all such
occasions. Salt, which seasons all viands eaten in
Europe, renders them bitter to the Savage taste.
Their smoked meat, which to us is almost soot, is very
savory to them. Intercommunication causes the
palates of some Frenchmen to adapt themselves to
smoked flesh, and those of some Savages to salted
food. It is true that, up to the present moment, I
have never seen a Savage that did not abhor Dutch
cheese, radishes, spices, mustard, and similar con
diments. I remember in this connection, the follow
ing incident. A Savage [106] chanced to be at table
with some French people when mustard was served,
and his curiosity to taste of every dish, without
knowing its nature, made him dip his spoon into this
condiment. Taking a tolerably good dose, he thrust
it into his mouth before any one had told him how
it was usually eaten. God knows whether he fur
nished merriment for all the company. It is a Sav
age s glory to be a hearty eater, as it is that of many

280 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Europeans de bien boire : & ce bon homme voulant
monftrer la force de fon courage, s effor^oit de faire
bonne mine ; mais les larmes le trahiffoient : il f erroit
les dents, & les leures tant qu il pouuoit. Enfin, le
peu de bonne mine, & de contenance qu il auoit, luy
echappa, & demeura bien etonn6 de la force de cette
boiiillie iaune, comme il 1 appelloit. Pour conclu-
fion, on luy enfeigna comme il falloit manger de la
moutarde: mais il n a iamaisreduit en pratique cette
le$on, fe contentant de cette premiere experience
pour le refte de fes iours. Les faulces, les ragoufts,
les faupiquets, [107] qui font les delices des friands,
feroient icy vn petit enfer au gofier des Sauuages.

Encore qu ils aient le cuir plus tendre, & plus
delicat que les Francis, fi on en croit aux lancettes,
& a la main des Chirurgiens, qui attribuent cette
delicateffe aux huiles, & aux greffes dont ils foignent,
& dont ils fe frottent: fi eft-ce que ces bonnes gens
n ont point la moleffe, ny la delicateffe de nos Euro
peans. Ils trouuent le fommeil plus doux fur vn lit
de terre, & fur vn cheuet de bois, que plufieurs per-
fonnes fur le duuet. II eft vray que 1 habitude fait
que le tad: rebutte la trop grande moleffe, trouuant
fon plaifir, & fa fatisfadtion dans des chofes plus
dures & plus afpres. I ay connu des Peres, qui ne
pouuoient prendre leur fommeil fur vn lit, pour
s eftre accouftumez a dormir comme les Sauuages:
fi on leur prefentoit, au retour de leur Miffion, vne
paillaffe, ou vn matelas, ils Stoient contraints, iufqu a
ce qu ils euffent repris leur premiere habitude, de
paffer vne partie de la nuit fur le [108] paue de la
chambre, pour dormir vn peu de temps plus a leur
aife. En vn mot, les Sauuages font quafi demy-nuds,

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-58 281

a European to be a lusty drinker; and this good
fellow, wishing to show the strength of his courage,
strove to keep his countenance. His tears, however,
betrayed him, although he set his teeth and com
pressed his lips to the utmost ; until at last the little
maintenance of appearances and facial control that
he possessed escaped him, and he was left highly
astonished at the strength of that " yellow porridge, "
as he called it. Finally, he was instructed how
mustard was to be eaten; but he never put the
lesson into practice, being content with that first
experience for the rest of his days. Sauces, condi
ments, dressings, [107] which are the delight of
epicures, would here make a little hell for the Sav
age s gullet.

Although they have a tenderer and more delicate
skin than the French, if one accept the evidence
of the lancet and the hand of the Surgeon, who
ascribes this delicacy to the oil and grease with
which they anoint and rub themselves, yet those
good people have none of our Europeans softness
and delicacy. They find sleep sweeter upon the
earth for a bed, with a pillow of wood, than do many
upon down. It is a fact that habit causes the sense
of touch to rebel against too great softness, finding
its pleasure and satisfaction in things harder and
rougher. I have known Fathers who could not take
their sleep on a bed, because they had become accus
tomed to sleep like the Savages. If they were
given, on returning from their Missions, a pallet or
mattress, they were obliged, until they had regained
their former habits, to pass a portion of the night
upon the [108] paved floor of the room, in order to
sleep for a little while more at their ease. In short,

282 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

pendant 1 Hyuer, & les Frangois fe couurent le plus
chaudement qu ils peuuent.

Pour ce qui concerne le fens de la veue. II eft
tout certain, qu il eft vniuerfellement plus parfait
chez les Sauuages, que chez les Frangois: 1 experi-
ence s en f ait quafi tous lesiours. S il faut decouurir
quelque chofe, les Frangois ne fe fient pas tant h
leurs propres yeux, qu aux yeux des Sauuages. Us
les ont tous noirs, & plus petits que les autres. le
me perfuaderois volontiers, que 1 afcendant qu ils ont
pardeffus nous en cet endroit, prouient de ce qu ils
ne boiuent point de vin ; de ce qu ils ne mangent ny
fel, ny e"pices, ny autres chofes capables de deffecher,
& d alterer le temperament de 1 ceil. Quoy qu il en
foit de la bonte de leurs veues, il faut confeffer,
qu elle trouue fouuent de la beaute", ou la noftre ne
trouue que de la laideur. Ceux qui mettent la beaute"
d vn vifage dans la proportion de fes [109] parties,
& dans la blancheur, & le vermilion qui le couure,
doiuent retrancher la moiti6 de leur definition, s ils
ne veulent choquer les Afriquains, les Ameriquains,
& quantite d Afiatiques. Mais venons au detail de
ce point.

Pour rendre vn vifage plus beau en France, on le
degreffe, on le laue le plus foigneufement qu on
peut: les Sauuages au contraire, 1 oignent & le
greffent tant qu ils peuuent, le croiant d autant plus
agreable, qu il eft plus luifant de leurs greffes, ou de
leurs huiles. Pour fe rendre difforme dans 1 Europe,
on fe barbouille de noir, de iaune, de bleu: & c eft
cela mefme qui fait vn Sauuage beau, & bien agre
able. Quand quelqu vn d eux veut aller en vifite,
ou affifter quelque feftin, ou a quelque danfe, il
fe fait peindre le vifage de diuerfes couleurs, par

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 283

the Savages go almost half naked during the Winter,
while the French dress as warmly as they can.

Concerning the sense of sight, it is quite certain
that, in general, it is more perfect among the
Savages than among the French, as is proved by ex
perience nearly every day. If any object is to be
descried, the French do not trust their own eyes so
much as those of the Savages. The latter all have
black eyes, and smaller than other people s. I would
readily believe that the superiority enjoyed by them
over us, in this particular, is due to their not drink
ing wine or eating salt, spices, or other things cap
able of drying up the humors of the eye and impair
ing its tone. However it may be regarding the
excellence of their eyesight, it must be admitted that
it often finds beauty where ours sees only ugliness.
Those who say that the beauty of a face consists in
the symmetry of its [109] parts and in the whiteness
and vermilion covering it, must retract one-half of
their definition if they would not offend the Africans,
the Americans, and many Asiatics. But let us take
up the details of this subject.

In France, to make a face more beautiful, it is
cleansed of oil and washed as carefully as possible.
The Savages, on the contrary, anoint and grease it
as much as they can, thinking it more pleasing the
more shiny it is with their grease or oil. To make
oneself hideous in Europe, one daubs himself with
black,. yellow, and blue; and that is the very thing
that makes a Savage handsome and of very pleasing
appearance. When one of them wishes to pay a visit
or attend some feast or dance, he has his face painted
in various colors by some woman or girl ; for that is
one of their arts, as it was of old among the Jews.

284 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

quelque femme, ou par quelque fille; car c eft 1 vn de
leurs metiers, auffi-bien qu autrefois parmy les luifs:
& lors qu il eft bien barbouille, on le tient vn bel
homme ; & en Europe, on le prendroit pour vn demon,
[no] En France, les gros yeux, & les leures plu-
ftoft ferries qu ouuertes, ont de la beaute". En
Afrique, les petits yeux, le teint le plus noir, les
groffes leures pendantes & renuerf6es, font vn beau
vifage. En Canadas, les yeux noirs, & le vifage
gros, a la fa9on des anciens Cefars, emportent le prix
de la beaute, & de la grace. En Europe, les dents
les plus blanches font les plus belles. Les Maures,
& les Sauuages nous furpaff ent en cette beaute" : ils
ont les dents plus blanches que 1 iuoire. En quel-
ques endroits de 1 Inde Orientale, ceux qui prennent
du Betel, ont les dents rouges, & cette couleur fait
vne partie de leur gloire.

En France, les cheueux vn petit blonds, bien fauon-
nez, & bien degreffez, bien gauffrez, & bien annelez,
font les plus beaux. Les Neigres les aiment courts,
& noirs, & bien crefpez. Les Sauuages les veulent
longs, roides, noirs, & tout luifans de greffe. Vne
tefte frifee leur eft auffi laide, qu elle eft belle en
France. II n y a rien de fi grotefque, comme la
perruque des Sauuages. Au lieu de [i 1 1] poudre de
Cypre, ils mettent fur leurs cheueux bien greffez, le
duuet, ou la petite plume des oifeaux, & auec ce bel
ornement, ils fe croient auffi iolis, que ceux qui
portent des galants. En effet, cette plume eft auffi
delicate, que la baue des vers a foie

On ne fait point le poil a la mode en ce pais-la.
Leur fantaifie eft leur mode. Quelques-vns les
portent releuez fur le haut de la tefte, la pointe en
haut. II fe trouue vne Nation toute entiere. qui fe

1 656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -58 285

After he has been well bedaubed, he is looked upon
as a handsome man, whereas in Europe he would be
taken for a demon.

[no] In France, large eyes, and lips rather com
pressed than open, are beautiful. In Africa, small
eyes, the blackest complexion, and hanging, recurved
lips make a beautiful face. In Canadas, black eyes
and a large face, after the style of the ancient Caesars,
bear off the prize for beauty and grace. In Eu
rope, the whitest teeth are the most beautiful. The
Moors and Savages surpass us in this attraction,
having teeth whiter than ivory. In some parts of
Oriental India, those who eat the Betel-nut have
red teeth ; and this color constitutes a part of their
glory.

In France, hair that is a little blond, well washed
with soap and cleansed of oil, carefully arranged and
curled, is the most beautiful. Negroes like it short,
black, and very crisp. The Savages wish it long,
stiff, black, and all lustrous with grease. A curly
head is as ugly to them as it is beautiful in France.
There is nothing so grotesque as a Savage s head
dress. Instead of [i 1 1] Cyprus powder, they sprinkle
their well-greased hair with down, or the tiny feath
ers of birds, and with this fine adornment think
themselves as comely as those who wear ribbons.
Indeed, this down is as delicate as the web of the
silkworm.

The hair is not dressed according to fashion in that
country. Their fancy is their fashion. Some wear it
erect on the head, pointing upward. There is a whole
Nation called the cheveux relevez, because they like
this mode of head-dress. Others shave the middle
of the head, wearing hair only on the two sides, like

286

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

nomme les cheueux releuez, pource qu ils aiment
cette fa9on de coiffure. D autres fe rafent fur le
milieu de la tefte, ne portant du poil qu aux deux
coftez, comme de grandes mouftaclies. Quelques-vns
d6couurent tout vn cofte, & laiffent 1 autre tout
couuert. Les mouftaches fe portent en France aux
coftez de la tefte, les femmes Sauuages les portent fur
le derriere, ramaflant leurs cheueux en vn petit pac-
quet, qui pend fur leurs efpaules. lugez maintenant
qui a perdu, ou qui a gagne. Chacun croit fa mode
la plus belle. La noftre change fouuent en France.
[112] On tient que la barbe donne de la grace, &
de 1 ornement h I homme. Cette opinion n eft pas
receue par tout. La barbe eft la plus grande diffor-
mite que puiffe auoir vn vifage, en ce nouueau
monde. Les peuples de ces contrees, appellent les
Europeans barbus, par groffe iniure. II y a quelque
temps, qu vn Sauuage enuifageant vn Frangois, auec
vne attention toute extraordinaire, & dans vn pro-
fond filence, s ecria tout a coup, apres 1 auoir long-
temps confidere: O le barbu! 6 qu il eft laid! Us
ont fi peur de cette difformite, que fi quelque poil
veut naiftre de leur menton, ils 1 arrachent auffi-toft,
pour fe deliurer de noftre beaute, & de leur laideur.
Les Dames, en Europe, fe plaifent d eftre bien
coiff6es : ce leur eft vne grande mefeance, de paroiftre
la tefte nue, & les cheueux epars confufement, fans
ordre. C eft 1 vne des beautez des femmes de Cana-
das: elles vont ordinairement la tefte nue, & fe
tiennent pour bien iolies, quand leurs cheueux font
bien luifans, & [113] bien roides de .greffe: elles les
portent efpars fur les deux coftez, ramaffant ceux de
derriere en vn petit faiffeau, qu elles enrichiffent de
petit grains de leur porcelaine.

1656 - 58] R EL A TION OF 1657 -38 287

great mustaches. Some lay bare all one side, leaving
the other wholly covered. Mustaches are worn in
France on the sides of the face ; but Savage women
wear them at the back of the head, gathering up their
hair into a little ball which rests on their shoulders.
Judge now who has lost or who gained. Each thinks
his own fashion the most beautiful. Ours often
changes in France.

[112] The beard is held to add grace and adorn
ment to man, but this opinion is not everywhere
received. In that new world, a beard is the greatest
disfigurement that a face can have. The peoples of
those countries call the Europeans " bearded," as a
gross insult. Some time ago a Savage, looking into
a Frenchman s face with most extraordinary atten
tion and in profound silence, suddenly exclaimed,
after considering him a long time, " Oh, the bearded
man ! Oh, how ugly he is! They have such dread
of this disfigurement that, if some hair is inclined to
grow on their chins, they pluck it out immediately,
to rid themselves of what is beautiful to us, but ugly
to them.

Ladies in Europe take pleasure in having their hair
well dressed, and it is indecorous for them to ap
pear bare-headed, and with hair flying in disorder.
This is one of the charms of Canadian women ; they
commonly go bare-headed, and consider themselves
very pretty when their hair has a bright gloss
and [113] is very stiff with grease. They wear it
loose on each side, but gather it up behind into a little
mass which they adorn with small beads of their
porcelain.

In France, the head-dress distinguishes men from
women. When the Savages cover their heads, any

288 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

La coiffure, en France, diftingue les hommes
d auec les femmes. Quand les Sauuages fe couurent
la tefte, toute coiffure leur eft bonne : vn homme fe
feruiroit auffi bien d vn chaperon qu vne femme, s il
treuuoit ce bonnet chaud, & commode a fa tefte. II
eft vray que ceux qui nous frequentent plus fouuent,
commencent a diftinguer leur coiffure. Les hommes
aiment nos chapeaux, ou nos tapabords, & les femmes
nos bonnets de nuit de laine rouge ; les plus longs, &
les plus hauts en couleur, leur f emblent les plus beaux.
Us ne font pas pourtant fi fcrupuleux, qu vne femme
ne fe ferue d vn tapabort, & vn homme d vn bonnet
de nuit tout au beau milieu du iour. Si vn garyon fe
veftoit en fille dansl Europe, il feroit vne mafcarade.
En la nouuelle France, la robe d vne femme n eft
point mal-feante & vn homme. Les Meres Vrfulines,
[114] aiant donn6 vne robe a vne ieune fille, qui
fortoit de leur feminaire, le mary qui 1 efpoufa, s en
feruit bientoft apre*s, aufli gentiment que fa femme;
& fi les Fran9ois s en mocquoient, il n en faifoit que
rire, prenant leur gaufferie pour vne approbation.

En France. On fe perfoit, il n y a pas long temps,
le bout de 1 oreille, pour y pendre vne petite fleurette
de vanite: 1 ouuerture la plus petite eftoit la plus
gentille. En Canadas, les hommes & les femmes
ont les oreilles percees : on les perce aux enf ans des
le berceau ; les plus grands trous font les meilleurs,
ils y fourent aifement vn bafton de cire d Efpagne : &
non feulement le bas de 1 oreille eft perce, mais encore
le tendon, ou le contour, que les femmes chargent or-
dinairement de coquillage.qu on appelle la porcelaine.

En d autres endroits de 1 Amerique, quelques
Nations fe percent le nez, entre les deux narines,
d ou ils font dependre quelques ioliuetez: d autres

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1657 -58 289

head-dress is good in their eyes ; a man would use a
hood as readily as a woman, if he found that head-gear
warm and a good fit for him. It is true that those
who mingle with us most often are beginning to make
a distinction in their head-dresses, the men choosing
our hats or riding-caps, and the women our red
woolen nightcaps; the longer they are and the more
striking in color, the more beautiful they appear to
them. But they are not so particular that a woman
will not use a riding-cap, and a man a nightcap, in
the very middle of the day. In Europe, if a boy
should dress up like a girl, he would be a masque-
rader. In new France, a woman s dress is not
improper for a man. The Ursuline Mothers [114]
having given a dress to a young girl who was leaving
their seminary, the man who married her wore it
soon afterward, with as much grace as did his wife ;
and, if the French made fun of him, he only laughed,
taking their raillery for approval.

In France, not long ago, the lobe of the ear was
pierced for hanging thereto a little trinket, and the
smaller the hole the more dainty its appearance. In
Canadas, both men and women have their ears
pierced, the operation being performed upon children
in the cradle. The larger the holes, the better ; and
they easily insert therein a stick of Spanish wax.
Not only the lobe of the ear is pierced, but also the
cartilage or rim, which the women are wont to hang
with bits of shell, called porcelain.

In other parts of America, some Nations pierce the
nose between the two nostrils, suspending therefrom
some trinket or other ; others set precious stones in
[115] their cheeks, and still others on their thick and
recurved lips all this to please their eyes and attain

290 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

enchailent des pierreries dans [115] leurs ioues, &
d autres fur leurs levres pendantes & renuerf6es, &
tout cela pour contenter leurs yeux, & pour trouuer
le point de la beaute". En verite, la veue, & le iuge-
ment des hommes eft foible ! Comment fe peut-t-il
rencontrer tant d orgueil, & tant d eftime de nous
mefmes dans nos efprits fi bigearres & fi limitez.

On porte, en France, les bracelets au poignet de la
main. Les Sauuages les portent non feulement au
mefme endroit, mais encore au deffus du coude, &
mefme encore aux iambes, au deffus de la cheuille
du pied. Pourquoy ces parties ne meritent-elles pas
bien leur vanite, & leur enioliuement, auffi bien que
les autres, puif qu ils les portent ordinairement decou-
uertes? Diogene voiant qu on prefentoit vne cou-
ronne, a celuy qui auoit merite le prix de la courfe,
la prit & luy mit aux pieds, & non fur la tefte, vou-
lant honorer la partie du corps, qui luy auoit donne"
la vidtoire.

II 11 y a que les femmes en Frances qui portent des
coliers. C6t ornement eft plus commun aux hommes
[i 1 6] de Canadas qu aux femmes. Au lieu de perles,
& de diamans, ils portent des grains de porcelaine
diuerfement enfilez, des grains de chappelets, de
petits tuiaux ou canons de verre, ou de coquillage.
I ay veu vn Huron porter a fon col, vne poulie de
barque, & vn autre des clefs qu ils auoient derobees.
Toutes les chofes extraordinaires leur font agreables,
pourueu qu elles ne leur couftent qu vn larcin.

Nous coupons nos ongles. Les Sauuages les laiffent
croiftre, fi vous les accufez de rufticite , vous ferez
condamne par des peuples entiers de 1 Inde Orientale,
qui nourriffent leurs ongles tant qu ils peuuent, pour
marque de leur nobleff e : voulant te"moigner par la,

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 291

the goal of beauty. Verily, man s eyes and judg
ment are weak. How can there be such pride and
self-esteem in our minds, when they are so whimsical
and limited?

In France, bracelets are worn on the wrist; but
the Savages wear them not only there, but also above
the elbow and even on the legs above the ankle. Why
do not those parts deserve their vanities and trinkets
as much as the others, since the natives commonly
leave them uncovered? Diogenes, seeing a crown
presented to one who had gained the prize in the
race, took it and placed it on his feet, not on his
head, wishing to honor the part of the body that had
given him the victory.

Only women in France wear necklaces, but in
Canadas this adornment is more common among men
[116] than among women. Instead of pearls and
diamonds, they wear porcelain beads strung in vari
ous ways, like those of rosaries, and little cylinders
or tubes of glass or shell-work. I have seen a Huron
wear at his neck a boat-pulley, and another some
keys that he had stolen. Anything unusual pleases
them, provided it costs them nothing more than a
theft.

We cut our nails; the Savages let theirs grow. If
you accuse them of uncouthness, you will be con
demned by whole peoples of Oriental India, who foster
the utmost possible growth of their nails as a mark
of their nobility wishing to indicate thereby that
their fingers, encumbered by these natural superflui
ties, are not fitted for work.

In France, men and women have their clothes
made rather tight-fitting, in order to impart a lighter
appearance, the girls especially priding themselves

292 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

que leurs doigts, embaraffez de ces fuperfluitez natu-
relles, ne font point propres au trauail.

En France. Les homines & les femmes fe font
faire des habits affez iuftes, pour paroiftre plus
leftes; les filles particulierement, font gloire d eftre
menues. En Canadas tout le monde s habille au
large: les hommes & les femmes portent des robes,
qu ils ceignent [117] en deux endroits, au deffous du
nombril, & au deffus du ventre, retrouffant leurs
grandes robes, & les repliant, en forte qu ils ont
comme vn grand fac a lentour du corps, dans lequel
ils fourent mille chofes. Les meres y mettent leurs
enfans, pour les careffer, & pour les tenir chaude-
ment.

Plus les robes des Dames font longues, & plus
elles ont de grace. Les femmes Sauuages fe mocque-
roient d vn habit, qui defcendroit beaucoup plus bas
que les genoux. Leur trauail les oblige & fuiure
cette mode.

En Europe. La coufture des bas de chauffe eft
derriere la iambe, & fi les bas ont quelques arrieres-
points, ou quelque autre enrichiffement, il eft fur
cette coufture, & fur les coins. II n en eft pas de
mefme parmy les Sauuages ; la coufture des bas que
portent les hommes, eft entre les iambes, ils atta-
chent en mefme endroit de petits ouurages faits de
brins de porc-efpic, teins en 6carlatte, en forme de
franges, ou de papillottes, qui fe rencontrant les vnes
centre les autres dans leur demarche, ont ie ne f9ay
[nSJquelle gentilleffe bien agreable. Les femmes
portent cet ornement au dehors de la iambe.

Les patins, en France, & les foulliers releuez
paffent pour les plus beaux; ils paffent parmy ces

1656-58] RELATION OF idS7 -58 293

on their slenderness. In Canadas, every one dresses
so as to look large, both men and women wearing
robes which they gird [117] in two places, below the
navel and above the stomach, tucking up their ample
robes and letting the fold hang down. Thus, they
have a great sack, as it were, around the body, in
which they stow away a thousand things. Here
mothers put their children, to fondle them and keep
them warm.

The longer a Lady s dress, the more graceful it is;
but Savage women would make fun of a dress that
came down much below the knees. Their work
compels them to follow this fashion.

In Europe, the seam of stockings is behind the leg;
and, if the stockings have back-stitches or any other
ornamentation, they are on this seam and on the
clocks. Among the Savages it is otherwise; the
seam of stockings worn by men is between the legs,
and here they fasten little ornaments made of
porcupine quills, stained scarlet, and in the form of
fringe or of spangles which meet when they walk,
and make [nS] a pretty effect, not easily described.
The women wear this ornamentation on the outer
side of the leg.

In France, pattens and raised shoes are considered
the most beautiful; but among those peoples the
ugliest, because the most uncomfortable. The Sav
ages shoes are as flat as tennis-shoes, but much
wider, especially in winter, when they stuff and line
them amply to keep away the cold.

Shirts are in Europe worn next to the skin, under
the other garments. The Savages wear them usually
over their dress, to shield it from snow and rain,
which are very readily shed by linen when it is

294 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

peuples, pour les plus laids: pource qu ils font les
plus incommodes. Les foulliers des Sauuages font
auffi plats, mais bien plus larges que les chauflons
d vn tripot, notamment 1 hyuer, qu on les fourre, &
qu on les garnit pleinement centre le froid.

On porte les chemifes, en Europe, fur la chair,
deffous les habits. Les Sauuages les portent affez
fouuent par deflus leur robe, pour la conf eruer centre
la neige, & centre la pluie, qui coule bien aifement
fur du linge gras, comme font leurs chemifes: car
ils ne fcauent ce que c eft de les blanchir.

Quand le bout d vne chemife fort d vn habit, c eft
vne meffeance: mais non pas en Canadas. Vous
verrez des Sauuages reueftus a la Fran9oife, d vn bas
d eftame, & d vne cafaque fans haut de chaufle: on
voit deuant, & [119] derriere deux grands pans de
chemife, fortir de deffous leur cafaque. Cela cheque
les Frangois, & les fait rire : les Sauuages n en per-
droient pas vn petit brin de leur grauite. Cette mode
leur paroift d autant plus gentille, qu ils prennent
nos hauts de chauffes pour des entraues. Ce n eft
pas que quelques-vns n en portent quelquefois, par
brauerie, ou par gaufferie.

Les bons vieux Gaulois pendoient, le fiecle paffe,
leurs efcarcelles deuant eux. Les Francois mettent
maintenat leurs bources dans leurs pochettes. Les
Sauuages portent leur pochette, leur bource, & leur
efcarcelle derriere le dos. C eft vn fac, qu ils paffent
a leur col, par le moien d vne couroie, dans lequel
ils mettent leur petun, & les autres petits befoins,
dont ils ont plus ordinairement a faire. Cette
pochette, ou ce fac, n a pour 1 ordinaire, aucune cou-
fture. Les Huronnes les font auffi artiftement qu vn

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-58 295

greasy, as their shirts are; for they do not know
what it is to wash them.

The end of a shirt protruding from under the coat
is an indecorous thing ; but not so in Canadas. You
will see Savages dressed in French attire, with
worsted stockings and a cloak, but without any
breeches; while before and [119] behind are seen
two large shirt-flaps hanging down below the cloak.
This offends the French, and makes them laugh, but
would not cause a Savage to lose his gravity in the
slightest degree. That fashion seems all the more
tasteful in their eyes because they regard our breeches
as an encumbrance, although they sometimes wear
these as a bit of finery, or in fun.

The good old Gauls in times past hung their wal
lets in front; the French now put their purses in
their pockets. The Savages wear their pocket,
wallet, and purse behind the back, in the form of a
pouch, which they hang about the neck by means of
a leather thong, and in which they put their tobacco
and the other little necessaries that they use most
frequently. This pocket, or pouch, is generally
seamless, and is made by the Huron women as artis
tically as a piece of needlework; the Algonquins
often make it of a whole skin, either an otter s, a
fox s, a young bear s, a beaver s, or some [120] other
animal s, so neatly stripped off that you would call
it perfectly whole ; for they remove neither the teeth,
ears, claws, nor tail, but make an opening under the
neck, through which they draw out the animal s
body entire, and through which the Savages insert
the hand into this pocket when it is well dried and
cured.

296 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

otmrage fait a 1 aiguille: les Algonquins [les] font
fouuent d vne peau toute entiere, d vn loutre, d vn
renard, d vn petit ours, ou d vn caftor, ou de quelque
[120] autre animal, 11 gentiment 6corche, que vous
diriez qu il eft tout entier: car ils n oftent ny les
dents, ny les oreilles, ny les pattes, ny la queue:
elles font vne ouuerture au deffus du col, par ou
elles tirent le corps entier de 1 animal, & par ou les
Sauuages portent la main dans cette pochette, quad
elle eft bien fechee, & bien paffe"e.

La ciuilite & I honneftet6 nous ont appris a porter
des mouchoirs : les Sauuages nous accuf ent de falete
en ce point: pource que nous mettons difent-ils,
vne ordure dans vn beau linge blanc, & nous la
ferrons dans noftre pochette, comme vne chofe
bien precieufe, & eux la iettent par terre. De la
vient, qu vn Sauuage voiant vn iour, qu vn Fran9ois
s eftant mouche replioit fon mouchoir, luy dit en
riant ; ft tu aimes cette ordure, donne-moy ton mou
choir, ie le rempliray bien-toft. le ne fais pas pro-
feffion de garder vne grande fuite, dans ces bigar-
reures, elles fortent de ma plume, comme elles fe
prefentent a ma penfee.

Les Remains, & quelques Aftatiques, [121] fe cou-
choient autrefois fur de petits lits, pour prendre leur
repas; leurs tables eftoient faites en demy-lunes.
La plufpart des Europeans font maintenant affis fur
des fieges releuez, fe feruant de tables rondes ou
carrees. Les Sauuages mangent a terre, auffi bien
que les Turcs, comme font auffi plufieurs peuples de
1 Alie. Le monde eft plein de variete" & d incon-
ftance, on n y trouuera iamais de fermete folide. Si
quelqu vn eftoit monte" fur vne tour affez haute, d ou

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 297

Politeness and propriety have taught us to carry
handkerchiefs. In this matter the Savages charge
us with filthiness because, they say, we place what
is unclean in a fine white piece of linen, and put it
away in our pockets as something very precious,
while they throw it upon the ground. Hence it
happened that, when a Savage one day saw a French
man fold up his handkerchief after wiping his nose,
he said to him laughingly, " If thou likest that filth,
give me thy handkerchief and I will soon fill it."
I do not profess to observe much order in this
medley ; it comes from my pen as the items occur to
my mind.

The Romans and some Asiatics [121] used to
recline on little couches to take their meals, while
their tables were crescent-shaped. Most Europeans
now sit on raised seats, using round or square tables.
The Savages eat from the ground, as do the Turks,
and also many peoples of Asia. The world is full
of variety and change, and one will never find unal
terable permanence. If one were mounted on a
tower high enough to survey at his ease all the
Nations of the earth, he would find it very hard,
amid such strange varieties and such a medley, to say
who are wrong and who are right, who are fools and
who are wise. Verily, God alone is constant; he
alone is unchangeable ; he alone varies not, and to
him we must hold fast, to avoid change and incon
stancy.

In France, food and drink are taken together.
The Algonquins follow quite the contrary custom in
their feasts, first eating what is served them, and
then drinking, without touching food again.

298 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

il pufl voir, a fon aife, toutes les Nations de la terre ;
il feroit bien empefche de dire ceux qui ont tort, ou
ceux qui ont raifon : ceux qui font fous, ou ceux qui
font fages dans des varietez, & dans des bigarreures
fi etranges. En verite il n y a que Dieu feul de con-
ftant : luy feul eft immuable : luy feul eft inuariable,
c eft la ou il fe faut attacher, pour euiter le change-
ment & 1 inconftance.

En France. On entre-mefle le boire auec le man
ger. Les Algonquins font tout le contraire en leurs
feftins: ils mangent premierement ce qu on leur
fert, & puis ils boiuent fans plus toucher a la viande.

[122] En France. Celuy qui inuite fes amis, fe
met en table, & leur fert des viandes, qu il a fait
apprefter : en ce pai s, le maiftre du feftin ne mange
point, & quelques-fois il fait diftribuer par vn autre,
les mets de fon banquet.

Les plats, en Europe, font mis fur la table, pour don-
ner liberte" a tous les conuiez de trancher par ou bon
leur femblera. La on donne a vn chacun fon mets, &
fa part. II femble que lofeph, traitant fes freres en
Egypte, en fit de mefme ; & que Samuel ayant inuite
Saiil, garda la couftume qui regne en ces contrees.

Les Fran9ois, pour 1 ordinaire, parlent beaucoup
en table : les Sauuages fort peu, ou point du tout.

C eft vn commun prouerbe, que la faulce fait fou-
uent manger le poiffon. Ce prouerbe n eft point
receu en ce nouueau monde : car vn Sauuage ne f gati-
roit manger de poiffon trempe dedans nos faulces.
Les Frangois n aiment pas ordinairement les oeufs,
s ils ne font mollets. Les Sauuages difent, que les
oeufs mollets font encore tout [123] cruds: c eft
pourquoy ils les font durcir pour les manger.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -58 299

[122] In France, the one who invites his friends
sits at the table, and serves them from the viands
that he has had prepared. In that country, the host
does not eat, and he sometimes causes another to pass
to the guests the dishes of his feast.

In Europe, these dishes are placed on the table, to
enable all the guests to help themselves freely from
whatever they choose ; but there, each one is given
his dish and his portion. Joseph seems to have
observed the same practice in entertaining his broth
ers in Egypt; and Samuel, when he invited Saul,
apparently followed the custom now prevailing in
those countries.

The French commonly talk much at table; the
Savages very little, or not at all.

It is a common proverb that the fish is often eaten
for the sauce. This proverb is not accepted in that
new world ; for a Savage could not eat fish swim
ming in our sauces. The French do not commonly
like eggs unless they are soft, but the Savages
declare that soft eggs are still quite [123] raw; there
fore they have them boiled hard for eating.

The French have a loathing for eggs partly
hatched, while the Savages eat with great relish the
little bird still in the egg. Indeed, it is a great
delicacy. I have partaken of a little bustard from
a well-boiled egg; the flesh, when cleaned of the
impure matter surrounding it, is very fine and of
excellent flavor. As for eggs that are addled and
incapable of hatching, they are regarded as putrid by
every one, I think ; yet I would not venture to assert
it, so different are the noses and palates of dif
ferent people.

300 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Les Frangois ont horreur d vn oeuf couuis: les
Sauuages mangent auec delices, le petit oif eau qui eft
encore dans 1 oeuf, En effet, il eft fort delicat.
I ay mange" d vn petit outardeau tire d vn oeuf bien
boiiilly : la chair eftant netoie"e des immondices qui
1 enuironnent, en eft tres-belle, & de tres-bon gouft:
pour les ceuf couuis, dont il ne fe formeroit aucun
pouffm, ils font puants par tout le monde, comme ie
croy. Ie n en oferois neantmoins quali aifeurer, tant
les nez, & le palais des hommes font differens.

La greffe toute pure fait mal au coeur aux Fran-
9ois! les Sauuages la boiuent, & la mangent fige e.
On iette en France 1 efcume du Pot comme 1 excre
ment de la viande: les Sauuages la hument, comme
vn excellent bouillon, notamment dans leur neceffite".

On laue la viande pour en nettoier le fang, & les
ordures: les Sauuages ne la lauent point, de peur
d en perdre le fang, & vne partie de la greffe. [124]
On commence ordinairement le dif ner par le potage :
c eft le dernier mets des Sauuages: le bouillon du
pot leur fert de boiffon. Le pain fe mange icy auec
la viande, & auec les autres mets : fi vous en donnez
aux Sauuages, ils en feront vn mets & part, & bien
fouuent le mangeront le dernier. Ils s accommodent
neantmoins petit a petit a noftre fagon.

En la plufpart de 1 Europe, quand quelqu vn va
en vifite, on 1 inuite h boire: parmy les Sauuages, on
1 inuite a manger.

En France. Les bouchiers debitent, & *vendent
leur viande auec les os, & on la fert ainii deffus la
table: parmy nos Algonquins, les bouchers & les
boucheres, qui font quafi en auffi grand nombre,
qu il y a d hommes & de femmes, habillent fi adroite-

1656-58] RELATION OF 1637-38 301

Fat, taken alone, is nauseating to the French ; but
the Savages drink it warm and eat it cold. The
scum of the Pot is in France thrown away as the
refuse of the meat, while the Savages gulp it down
as an excellent broth, especially in their time of
scarcity.

We wash meat to cleanse it of blood and impuri
ties ; the Savages do not wash it, for fear of losing
its blood and a part of its fat. [124] We usually
begin the dinner with soup, which is the last dish
among the Savages, the broth of the pot serving
them for drink. Bread is eaten here with the meat
and other courses ; if you give some to a Savage, he
will make a separate course of it and very often eat
it last. Yet they are gradually adapting themselves
to our way.

In most parts of Europe, when any one makes a
call he is invited to drink ; among the Savages he is
invited to eat.

In France, the butchers sell and deliver their meat
with the bones, and it is served thus on the table.
Among our Algonquins, the market-men and market-
women who are almost as numerous as the whole
number of men and women dress an animal so
skillfully that most of the meat is left free from bones.
They always boil the whole together, however;
but the meat only is brought in at a feast, the
bones being given to the host s domestics to pick.
When they have been well sucked and [125] gnawed,
they are not thrown to the dogs, as in France;
that would be very unwise, because, they say, the
animals would become much harder to catch, being
informed by their brothers and kindred that their

302 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

ment vn animal, que les os demeurent feparez de la
phifpart de la chair. Ils ne laiffent pas de faire
boiiillir tout enfemble: mais la viande fe prefente
aux feftins, & on donne les os a examiner, aux
domeftiques de celuy qui fait le feftin. Quand on
les a bien fucez, & [125] bien rongez, on ne les donne
pas aux chiens, comme on fait en France; ce feroit
vn grand mal: pource, difent-ils, que les animals fe
rendroient bien plus difficiles a prendre, receuant
auis de leurs freres, & de leurs femblables, qu on
donne leurs os aux chiens. C eft pourquoy ils
iettent au feu, ou dans la riuiere, ou bien ils enter-
rent les os du caftor, de peur que les chiens n en
approchent. Pour les beftes qui n ont point d efprit,
c eft a dire, qui fe laiffent prendre aife"ment, ils
me prifent leurs os, les iettant a leurs chiens. Ceux
qui font maintenant inftruits, fe mocquent de ces
fuperftitions & de ces reueries.

Si les Sauuages ne font a la chaffe, ou en voiage,
leur pofture ordinaire eft d eftre couchez, ou affis a
terre : ils ne f cauroient demeurer debout ; les iambes,
difent-ils, leur enflent incontinent. Ils haiffent les
fieges plus releuez que la terre : les Francois tout au
contraire, fe feruent de chaires, de banes, ou d efca-
beaux, laiffant la terre, & la litiere aux beftes.

Vn bon danfeur, en France, n agite [126] pas
beaucoup fes bras, il tient le corps droit, remue les
pieds fi leftement, que vous diriez qu il dedaigne la
terre, & qu il veut demeurer en 1 air: les hommes
Sauuages au contraire, f e courbent dans leurs danf es ;
ils pouffent & remuent leurs bras auec violence,
comme s ils vouloient paiftrir du pain: ils frappent
la terre des pieds fi fortement, qu on diroit qu ils la

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -38 303

bones are given to the dogs. Therefore, they
throw into the fire, or into the river, or else bury
the bones of beavers, from fear lest the dogs may
find them. In respect to animals that are devoid
of intelligence, that is, such as let themselves be
readily caught, their bones are held in contempt,
and are thrown to the dogs. Those who are now
instructed make fun of such superstitions and
fancies.

When the Savages are not hunting or on a jour
ney, their usual posture is to recline or sit on the
ground. They cannot remain standing, maintaining
that their legs become swollen immediately. Seats
higher than the ground they dislike; the French, on
the contrary, use chairs, benches, or stools, leaving
the ground and litter to animals.

A good dancer in France does not move [126] his
arms much, and holds his body erect, moving his
feet so nimbly that, you would say, he spurns the
ground and wishes to stay in the air. The Savages,
on the contrary, bend over in their dances, thrust
ing out their arms and moving them violently as if
they were kneading bread, while they strike the
ground with their feet so vigorously that one would
say they are determined to make it tremble, or to
bury themselves in it up to the neck.

People, on coming from town and taking off their
shoes, put them down somewhere out of the way;
the Savages hang them in the highest place in their
cabins, to let them dry.

In France, children are carried on the arm, or
clasped to the breast ; in Canadas, the mothers bear
them behind their backs. In France, they are kept

304 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 44

veulent ebranler, ou enfoncer dedans iufques au col.

Ceux qui venant de la ville quittent leur foulliers,
les mettent en quelque lieu bas, & ecarte: les Sau
uages les pendent au plus haut lieu de leurs cabanes
pour les faire fecher.

En France. On porte les enfans fur le bras, ou
fur la poictrine. En Canadas, les meres les portent
derriere leur dos. On les tient en France le mieux
couuerts qu on peut: la ils font le plus fouuent nuds
comme la main. Leur berceau, en France, demeure
a la maifon : la, les femmes le portent auec leurs en-
fans : auffi n eft-il compof6 que d vne planch e de cedre,
fur lequel le pauure petit eft Ii6 comme vn fagot.

[127] En France. Vn Artifan n attend point fon
paiement, qu il ne reporte fa befogne: les Sauuages
le demandent par auance.

En France. On ne fe plaift pas beaucoup de voir
tomber de la neige, ou de la grefle : c eft ce qui fait
fauter d aife les Sauuages.

Ceux qui nauigent dans les vaiileaux d Europe, def-
cendent aux fond quand il pleut : les Sauuages au con-
traire, pour Suiter la pluie, fe mettent a terre, renuer-
fant fur eux, & fur leur bagage leur petit nauire.

Quand vn Sauuage prend vn outil pour doler du
bois, ou vn couteau pour couper quelque chofe, il
porte la main & le tranchant tout au contraire d vn
Franois: 1 vn le porte en dedans, 1 autre en dehors.

Les Europeans ne font point de difficulte de dire
leurs noms, & leurs qualitez : vous faites vne conf u-
lion a vn Sauuage de luy demander fon nom : fi bien
que fi vous luy demandez comrne il s appelle, il dira
qu il n en f^ait rien, & fera figne a vn autre de le
nommer.

1656-58] RELA TION OF 1657-58 305

as well covered as possible; there they are most
often as bare as your hand. The cradle, in France,
is left at home; there the women carry it with
their children; it is composed merely of a cedar
board, on which the poor little one is bound like a
bundle.

[127] In France, a Workman does not expect his
pay until he completes his task ; the Savages ask for
it in advance.

In France, we are not very well pleased to see
snow or hail fall; but it makes a Savage leap for
joy.

Those who sail in European ships go below when
it rains; the Savages, on the other hand, to escape
the storm, land and invert their little vessel over
themselves and their baggage.

When a Savage takes a tool to rough-hew some
wood, or a knife to cut anything, he holds the handle
and the blade in just the opposite way to that of a
Frenchman ; the one handles it pointing inward, the
other pointing outward.

Europeans have no hesitation about telling their
names and conditions, but you embarrass a Savage
by asking him his name; if you do ask him, he will
say that he does not know, and will make a sign to
some one else to tell it.

[128] In France, when a father gives his daughter
in marriage, he allows her a dowry. There, it is
given to the girl s father.

In Europe, the children inherit from their parents ;
among the Hurons the nephews, sons of the father s
sister, are their uncle s heirs; and the Savage s small
belongings will be given to the friends of the

306 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

[128] En France. Vn pere mariant fa fille, luy
affigne vn dot. La, on donne au pere de la fille.

En Europe, les enfans heritent de leurs parens:
parmy les Hurons, les neueux du cofte de la foeur,
fuccedent a la charge de leurs oncles ; & les petits
biens des Sauuages fe donneront pluftoft aux amis
du defunt, qu a fes enfans. Cette couftume qui n eft
pas mauuaife eftant bien expliquee, fe garde encore
en quelques endroits de 1 Inde Orientale.

En France. L homme emmene, pour 1 ordinaire,
la femme qu il 6poufe, en fa maifon: la, rhomme va
demeurer en la maifon de la femme.

En France. Si quelqu vn fe met en colere, s il a
quelque mauuais deffein, s il machine quelque mal,
on 1 iniurie, on le menace, on le chaftie: la, on luy
fait des prefens, pour adoucir fa mauuaife humeur,
& pour guerir fa maladie d efprit, & pour reprendre
de bonnes penfe es. Cette couftume, dans la fince
rite de leurs aclions, n eft pas mauuaife: car fi celuy
qui eft en colere, ou qui machine quelque mal, [129]
eftant offenfe" touche ce prefent, fa colere, & fon mau
uais deffein eft efface de fon efprit en vn moment.

En vne bonne partie de 1 Europe, on s eft iette"
dans vn tel exces de ceremonies, & de complimensJ,
que la fincerite en eft bannie. Lk tout au contraire,
la fincerite eft toute nue : fi fon fruit eftoit abrie de
quelques feiiilles, 1 arbre en feroit plus beau. Au
bout du compte, il vaut mieux viure auec franchife, &
ioiiir de la verite", que de fe repaiflre de vent, & de fu-
mee, fous des offres de feruices, remplies de menfonge :
Namque magis natura placet, fucum odimus omnes.

En Europe. On ofte aux morts tout ce qu on peut,
on ne leur donne que ce qui eft neceffaire pour les

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 307

deceased, rather than to his children. This custom,
which is not a bad one, being readily explained, is
still observed in some parts of Oriental India.

In France, the man usually takes to his house the
woman whom he marries; there, the man goes to the
woman s house to dwell.

In France, if any one fall into a fit of anger, or
harbor some evil purpose, or meditate some harm,
he is reviled, threatened, and punished; there, they
give him presents, to soothe his ill-humor, cure his
mental ailment, and put good thoughts into his head
again. This custom, in the sincerity of their actions,
is not a bad one ; for if he who is angry, or is devis
ing some ill [129] to resent an offense, touch this
present, his anger and his evil purpose are immedi
ately effaced from his mind.

In a large part of Europe, ceremonies and compli
ments are indulged in to such an excess as to drive
out sincerity. There, quite on the contrary, sinceri
ty is entirely naked ; if its fruit were shaded with a
few leaves, the tree would be more beautiful. But
after all, it is better to live with frankness and enjoy
truth, than to feast on wind and smoke, under offers
<>f service that are full of falsehood.

Namque magis natura placet, fucum odimus omnes.

In Europe, we unclothe the dead as much as we
can, leaving them only what is necessary to veil
them and hide them from our eyes. The Savages,
however, give them all that they can, anointing and
attiring them as if for their wedding, and burying
them with all their favorite belongings.

The French are stretched lengthwise in their
graves, while the Savages, [130] in burying their

308 LES RELATIONS DES jS UITES [ VOL. 44

cacher, & pour les eloigner de nos yeux. Les Sau
uages tout au contraire, ils leurs donnent tout ce
qu ils peuuent, ils les oignent, & les habillent,
comme s ils alloient aux nopces, enterrant auec eux
tout le bagage qu ils aimoient.

Les Francois font 6tendus tout de leur long dans
leurs fepulcres : les Sauuages [130] en enfeueliffant
leurs morts, leur font tenir dans le tombeau, la
pofture qu ils tenoient dans le ventre de leurs meres.
En quelques endroits de la France, on fait tourner
la tefte au mort, du cofte d Orient: les Sauuages luy
font regarder 1 Occident. I ay veu de nouueaux
Chreftiens enterrant vn mort, difpofer la foffe, en
forte que la tefte regardaft vers 1 Autel de 1 Eglife,
& cela par deuotion.

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-38 309

dead, make them take in the grave the position which
they held in their mothers wombs. In some parts
of France, the dead are placed with their heads
turned toward the East ; the Savages make them face
the West. I have seen new Christians, in burying a
dead person, prepare the grave so that the face might
look toward the Church Altar and that from a spirit
of devotion.

310 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 44

CHAPITRE VIII.

QUELQUES NOUUELLES ARRIUEES PAR LE DERNIER

VAISSEAU.

VOVS aurez remarque cy-deffus, au Chapitre
fecond, comme nos Peres, & nos Frai^ois fe
retirerent de leur habitation baftie fur les riues
du lac Gannantaa, voilin d Onnontague. Cela fe fit
la nuit, & fans bruit, & auec tant d adreffe, que les
Iroquois, qui cabanoient aux portes de noftre maifon,
ne s apperceurent iamais du tranfport des canots, &
des [131] batteaux, & du bagage qui fut mis & 1 eau,
ny de 1 embarquement de cinquante trois perfonnes.
Le fommeil, dans lequel ils eftoient profondement
enfeuelis, apres auoir bien chante", & bien danfe",
leur deroba cette connoiilance ; mais enfin la nuit
ayant fait place au iour, les tenebres & la lumiere, &
le fommeil au reueil, ces Barbares fortirent de leurs
cabanes, & fe pourmenant & 1 entour de noftre maifon
bien ferme e & clef, s eftonnoient du grand filence des
Francois. Ils ne voioient fortir perfonne pour aller
au trauail, ils n entendoient aucune voix. Ils creu-
rentaucommencementqu ils eftoient tous en prieres,
ou en confeil; mais le iour s auancant, & ces prieres
ne finilTant point, ils frapperent k la porte. Les
chiens, que nos Frangois auoient laiffez k deffein,
leur re*pondent en iappant. Le chant du coq qu ils
auoient entendu le matin, & le bruit de ces chiens,
leur fit penfer que les maiftres de ces animaux
n efloient pas loin, ils rentrent dans la patience qui

1656-58] RELATION OF 1657-58 311

CHAPTER VIII.

SOME NEWS BROUGHT BY THE LATEST

VESSEL.

YOU will have noted above, in the second Chap
ter, how our Fathers and our Frenchmen
withdrew from their settlement built on the
shore of lake Gannantaa, near Onnontague. This
was done in the night, noiselessly, and so skillfully
that the Iroquois, whose cabins were at the doors of
our house, were utterly unconscious of the convey
ance of canoes and [131] boats, of the carrying and
shipment of bag-gage, and of the embarkation of fifty-
three persons. They were robbed of this conscious
ness by sleep, in which they were deeply sunk after
their lusty singing and vigorous dancing. But at
length, night giving place to day, darkness to light,
and sleep to awakening, these Barbarians issued from
their cabins, walked about our house, which was
securely locked, and wondered at the Frenchmen s
utter silence. They saw no one come forth to go to
work, they heard no voice. At first they thought
that all were at prayers or in council; but, as the
day advanced and the prayers did not reach an end,
they knocked at the door, and the dogs, purposely
left behind by our Frenchmen, gave answering yelps.
The crowing of the cock which they had heard in
the morning, together with the noise of these dogs,
made them think that the masters of these animals
were not far away, and they recovered their lost

312 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

leur e"chappoit; tnais enfin le Soleil commen9ant a
defcendre, & [132] perfonne ne re*pondant, ny aux
voix des hommes, ny aux cris des beftes, ils efca-
ladent la maifon pour voir en quelle pofture eftoient
nos gens, dans cet epouuan table filence. C eft icy
que l 6tonnement fe change en effroy, & en trouble.
Ils ouurent la porte, les principaux entrent par tout,
on monte au grenier, on defcend dans les caues, &
pas vn Frangois ne paroift, ny vif, ny mort. Ils fe
regardent les vns les autres; la peur les faifit; ils
croient qu ils ont affaire a des demons. Ils n auoient
veu aucun batteau, & quand mefme ils en auroient
veu, ils ne s imaginoient pas que nos Frangois fuffent
fi temeraires, que de fe precipiter dans des courans,
dans des brifans d eau, dans des rochers, dans d hor-
ribles dangers, ou eux mefmes, quoy que tres-habiles
a paffer par ces faults & par ces cafcades, y perdent
fouuent la vie. Ils fe perfuadent ou qu ils ont mar-
che" fur les eaux, ou qu ils ont vole" par 1 air, ou
pluftoft, ce qui leur fembla plus probable, qu ils
s eftoient cachez dans les bois. On les cherche: rien
ne paroift. Ils tiennent [133] quafi pour affeure
qu ils fe font rendus inuilibles; & comme ils ont
difparu tout & coup, qu ils viendront fondre tout &
coup fur leurs Bourgades. Cette retraite miracu-
leufe dans leur efprit, leur fit voir que nos Frangois
auoient connoilf ance de leur trahif on ; & la conf cience
de leur crime & des meurtres qu ils vouloient com-
mettre, les ietta bien auant dans la terreur. Ils foht
garde par tout. Ils font en armes iour & nuit, s ima-
ginant a toute heure que la foudre & la vengeance
des Frangois iuftement irritez, alloit fondre fur leurs
tefles.

1656 -58J RELATION OF 1651-58 313

patience; but at length, the Sun beginning- to decline
and [132] no one answering either the voices of the
men or the cries of the animals, they climbed into
the house to see in what state our people were amid
this fearful silence. Here their wonder was changed
to alarm and perturbation. They opened the door;
the chiefs entered, and went all over the house,
ascending to the loft and going down into the cellar ;
but not a Frenchman appeared, alive or dead. They
looked at one another, were seized with fear, and
believed that they had to do with demons. Not a
boat had they seen, and even if they had, they did
not imagine our Frenchmen so rash as to consign
themselves to currents and breakers,. to rocks and
frightful dangers, amid which they themselves,
though very dexterous in shooting these rapids and
cascades, often lose their lives. They persuaded
themselves that their visitors had either walked off
on the waters, or flown away through the air, or, as
seemed to them more likely, had hidden in the
woods. They made search for them, but without
success, and then decided, [133] almost as a certain
ty, that they had made themselves invisible, and
that they would come and pounce upon their Vil
lages just as suddenly as they had disappeared.
This retreat, miraculous in their estimation, showed
them that our Frenchmen were aware of their treach
ery ; and the sense of their guilt and of their mur
derous intentions threw them into the utmost terror.
They were everywhere on their guard, and remained
in arms day and night, every moment imagining that
the vengeance of the justly-angered French would
burst over their heads.

At length, seeing no such manifestation, and

314 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Enfin, voyant que rien ne paroifloit, que tout rou-
loit en leur pai s & 1 ordinaire, ils enuoient de leurs
troupes vers les Frangois, les vnes en guerre & les
autres comme des Ambaffadeurs, pour fgauoir des
nouuelles de leurs hoftes, & pour tafcher de retirer
de nos mains leurs compatriotes mis aux fers.

I apprends que ceux qui font venus en armes, ont
eft6 mal traitez, & qu on a retenu ces feints Ambaffa
deurs. Nous fgaurons vne autre annee le detail [134]
de tous ces rencontres & de toutes ces intrigues. le
ne dis feulement qu en paffant & en gros, ce que i ay
apris de ceux qui font retournez de ce nouueau
monde par les derniers vaiffeaux.

Ils adiouftent, qu il court vn bruit dans ce pai s la,
que tous les Europeans qui habitent cette longue
cofte qui regne depuis 1 Acadie iufques a la Virginie,
irritez contre les Iroquois ennemis communs de
toutes les Nations, fe veulent Her enfemble pour les
detruire : Non vult Deus mortem peccatoris, fed magis vt
conuertatur & viuat. le ne fouhaitte pas la rui ne de
ce peuple, mais bien fa conuerfion.

On m affeure encore qu il y a quantite" d Agneron-
nons, d Onnontagueronnons, d Oneiotchronnons pri-
fonniers k Kebec, aux trois Riuieres & a Montreal.
Que ces peuples viennent de tous coftez folliciter
Monf. le Vicomte d Argengon Gouuerneur du pai s,
de les mettre en liberte : & comme il eft homme fage
& prudent, on dit qu il ne veut point lafcher prife,
que ces Barbares n amenent les enfans [135] des prin-
cipaux du pai s, qu on tiendra dans des Seminaires
bien fermez, qu on eleuera en la foy Chreftienne, &
qui feruiront d hoftages aux Frangois, contre les
courfes & contre les entreprifes de ces Barbares,.
qui n ont autre loy que celle de leur interefl.

1656 - 58J RELA TION OF 1657 -58 315

observing that everything moved along as usual in
their country, they sent some of their forces to the
French territory, a part of them as warriors, and
the others as Ambassadors, to gain tidings of their
guests, and endeavor to recover from us their coun
trymen who had been put in irons.

I learn that those who came in war were roughly
used, and that the counterfeit Ambassadors were
held in custody. We shall ascertain another year
the details [134] of all those events and all those
intrigues. I merely relate in passing, and in a
general way, what I have learned from those who
have returned from that new world by the latest
vessels.

They add that a rumor is current in that country,
that all the Europeans occupying the long coast
line from Acadia to Virginia, incensed against the
Iroquois, the common foe of all the Nations, wish to
form an alliance for their destruction. Non vult Deus
mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut convertatur et -vivat. I
do not desire this people s ruin, but I do desire its
conversion.

I am also informed that there are many Agneron-
non, Onnontagueronnon, and Oneiotchronnon prison
ers at Kebec, three Rivers, and Montreal ; and that
their countrymen come from every direction to beg
Monsieur the Vicomte d Argengon, Governor of the
country, to set them free. I am further told that,
as he is a man of discretion and prudence, he refuses
to let them go until those Barbarians bring the
children [135] of the chief men of the country, to be
kept securely confined in the Seminaries and reared
in the Christian faith, and to serve the French as
hostages against the incursions and undertakings of

316

LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 44

Voicy encore vne autre bonne nouuelle & bien
certaine. Les Algonquins des pai s plus hauls, dont
nous auons parle" cy-deffus, ont enuoie quelques
canots chargez de pelleterie vers les Frar^ois, auec
parole de venir au nombre de cinq cent homines 1 an
prochain, equippez en guerre & en marchandife. Us
fouhaittent des Peres de noftre Compagnie, pour
aller porter la foy dans leur pai s, & dans ces grandes
Nations, dont nous auons fait mention. Si le Demon
ferme vne porte, Dieu en ouure vne autre. On e"crit
qu il fe prepare deia de braues ouuriers, pour porter
1 Etendartde lESVS-CHRiST dans ces vaftes con-
trdes : fiat, fiat. Pour conclufion, ie diray en finiffant
cette Relation, que nonobflant les guerres, [136] les
tempeftes & les afflictions du pais, on a baptife" en
diuers endroits enuiron neuf cent Sauuages cette
anne"e.

FIN.

1656 - 58] RELA TION OF 1637 -S& 317

the Barbarians, who know no law but that of self-
interest.

I will add one more piece of good news, and it is
authentic. The Algonquins of the upper countries,
of whom we spoke above, have sent to the French
some canoes laden with furs, promising to come next
year, to the number of five hundred men, equipped
for war and for traffic. They wish for some Fathers
of our Society, to go and carry the faith to their
country and to those great Nations that we have
mentioned. If the Evil One closes one door, God
opens another. Word has come by letter that already
some valiant laborers are making ready to bear the
Standard of JESUS CHRIST into those vast regions ;
fiat, fiat. Finally I will say, in closing this Relation,
that, despite the wars, [136] the storms, and the
afflictions of the country, there have been baptized
in different places this year about nine hundred
Savages.

END.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA : VOL XLIV

XCVI-XCVII

A bibliographical account of the Relation of 1656-
57 will be found in Vol. XLIII. ; of the Journal des
J/suites, in Vol. XXVII.

XCVIII

In reprinting the Relation of 1657-58 (Paris, 1659),
we follow a copy of the original Cramoisy edition in
the Lenox Library. It was edited in France, but the
name of the editor is not given. The " Permifsion "
was " Donne" a Paris au mois de Decembre 1658,"
and is signed by the Provincial, Jacques Renault.
The Priuilege was Donne" k Lion au mois
de Decembre 1658." The volume forms no. 112 of
Harrisse s Notes.

A letter from Paul Ragueneau to the Provincial
occupies pp. 6-19, and is dated " De Quebec ce 21.
d Aouft 1658." A second letter from Ragueneau to
the Pere Procureur des Mifsions de la Compagnie
de lefus en la Nouuelle France," without date, is
printed on pp. 22-29. A " lournal de ce qui s eft
pafse entre les Frangois & les Sauuages " begins on
p. 29, and is signed on p. 58 by Simon le Moine. It
is dated " De la Nouuelle Hollande le 25. Mars 1658."

Collation: Title, with verso blank, i leaf; " Avant-
propos," pp. (3); " Table des Chapitres " and " Per
mifsion," pp. (2); "Priuilege," p. (i); text, pp.

320

LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES

1-136. Signatures: a in four, A-H in eights, I in
four. No mispaging.

Copies are to be found in the following libraries:
Lenox, New York State, Harvard, Brown (private),
Ayer (private), St. Mary s College (Montreal), Laval
University (Quebec), British Museum, and Biblio-
theque Nationale (Paris). This volume is uncom
mon, and does not often appear for sale in the book-
market. The Barlow copy, no. 1308, was sold in
1890 to Harvard for $70.

NOTES TO VOL XLIV

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages

of English text.}

1 (p. 21). The village here referred to was peopled by Hurons
who had, upon the ruin of their country (1649), surrendered them
selves to the Senecas; they came from the mission villages of St.
Michel (Scanonaenrat) and St. Jean Baptiste. See vol. xxxvi.,
p. 179; and Relation of 1660 (Quebec ed.), p. 28.

2 (p. 21). Concerning the location of the Seneca village Gandagan
(which is probably a misprint for Gandagare, also written
Gandougarae), see vol. viii., p. 293.

3 (P- 63). This designation of the Mohawk tribe is a less corrupt
form of their own name, of which Hale says (Iroquois Rites, pp.
172, 173): This name is Kanienke, at the Flint. In pronuncia
tion and spelling, this, like other Indian words, is much varied, both
by the natives themselves and by their white neighbors, becoming
Kanieke, Kanyenke, Canyangeh, and Canienga," which last form
Hale adopts ; from it he also derives the French appellation of the
tribe, Agnier. He thinks that " Mohawk" is but a corruption of
an epithet bestowed upon the Agniers by the Algonkins, Mowak,
which, as used by the latter, meant " cannibals."

4 (P- 87). From this point to the end of the entry dated Feb. 15,
the handwriting is that of Druillettes.

Ondessonk was the Huron name of Le Moyne (vol. xli., p. 89).

5 (p. 91). De Quen resumes the record with this paragraph.
Louis Rouer de Villeraye, a native of Touraine, born in 1629, was

a notary at Quebec in 1654. His wife was Catherine, daughter of
Charles Sevestre, by whom he had three children. In 1659, he was
a lieutenant of the seneschal of Quebec, and was a member of the
Council. He died in December, 1700.

6 (P- 97)- From this point to the entry for May 25, the record is
made by Druillettes.

7 (P- 97)- Concerning Frangois Marguerie, see vol. x., note 4.

8 (p. 99). Cf. Pyrlaeus s statement (vol. viii., pp. 299, 300)

322 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES

regarding the respective rank of the Iroquois tribes ; also Zinzen-
dorf s, as cited by Hawley (Early Cayuga Hist., p. 21, note i).

9 (p. 101). Adrien Joliet was a brother of Louis, the explorer; in
1664, he married Jeanne Dodier, by whom he had one son. In
September following his capture by the Iroquois, he was brought
back to Montreal by Garakontie.

10 (p. 101). Claude Jean Allouez was born at St. Didier, France,
June 6, 1622. At the age of seventeen, he entered the Jesuit
novitiate at Toulouse ; his studies were pursued there, and at Billom
and Rodez. He was appointed preacher at Rodez, upon the com
pletion of his student life (1656). Departing thence (1658) for
Canada, be served at Three Rivers and other St. Lawrence settle
ments, for seven years. In August, 1665, he went to labor among
the Ottawasof Lake Superior, and other Western tribes; his journal
for the two years succeeding is given in the Relation of 1667, com
posing the greater part of that volume. Twenty-five years were
spent by him in these Western missions ; his death occurred Aug.
27 or 28, 1689, while engaged in missionary work. See Dablon s
circular letter announcing Allouez s death, in Margry s Ddcouvertes
et Etablissements des Frangais (Paris, 1876), t. i., pp. 59-64; this
missionary is therein styled " a second Xavier," and credited with
having instructed more than 100,000 savages, and baptized over
10,000.

11 (p. 103). The boys who acted in this allegorical play are
named by Suite in Canad.-Fran., t. iii., p. 148.

12 (p. 107). The entry for Sept. 7, giving a report of the council,
is in the handwriting of Chaumonot.

13 (p. in). The paragraphs dated Sept. 16, 19, and 25 are writ
ten by De Quen; the words vide infra A are in a different and
smaller hand. These words refer to the report of the council held
with Garakontie, which begins with "A," and is in the handwriting
of Le Moyne. This section is, in Quebec edition of the Journal,
interpolated between the entries for the i6th and igth; we follow
the order of the original MS.

Gabriel Souart (Suart) was one of the Sulpitian priests brought
from France by De Queylus, and was a nephew of the Recollet Le
Caron (vol. iv., note 26).

14 (p. in). Mademoiselle Mance still had no nuns in her hospi
tal. " The abbe de Queylus, who greatly esteemed our community,
thought that it would be an advantage for us and for all the country
that there should be at Quebec and Ville-Marie but one and the
same institute, since that would better maintain the peace which
should exist between the religious houses. Accordingly, he proposed

NOTES TO VOL. XLIV 323

the matter to us, and stated his views ; and he urged us so strongly
that we consented thereto. We judged that the matter should be
kept entirely secret until those on whom that foundation depended
should be induced to give their approval; and, to ascertain whether
we could come to an understanding, we sent to Montreal two of our
sisters, one of whom was Mother Marie Renee . . . under pretext
of giving her a change of air to recruit her health." (Histoire de
VHotel-Dieu de Qutbec, p. 114.) Quebec ed. of Journal p. 243,
note.

15 (p. in). The remaining paragraphs from this point to Oct. r
are written by Le M oyne, and give the proceedings of a council held
Aug. 31, with Garakontie (note 13, ante).

16 (p. 113). Reference is here made to the three Frenchmen
drowned in the rapids at the discharge of Lake Ontario, while fleeing
from Onondaga (p. 181 of this volume).

17 (p. 119). This account of Chaumonot s embassy to Montreal
is written.by himself.

1 8 (p. 121). The remaining paragraphs in the record for Novem
ber, except the last sentence (the entry for the 26th), are written by
Chaumonot.

19 (p. 229). Besides the small detachments of regular soldiers
kept in garrison at Quebec and other fortified posts, there existed
among the habitants a sort of military organization, rendered neces
sary by the continual wars with the Iroquois. Such information
as is available upon this subject has been carefully gleaned by
Suite from documents and registers of the time, and other contempo
rary records, and may be found in his Canad.-Fran., t. iii. -iv. ; and
in his "Organisation militaire du Canada, 1636-48," in Canad.
Roy. Soc. Proc. (2nd series), vol. ii. (1896), sect, r, pp. 3-33.

20 (p. 245). The first of these routes to Hudson Bay followed the
Saguenay up to Lake St. John (Piouakouami); then entered the
tributary of that lake named Peribonka, proceeding N. E. to its
source in Lake Ouichtagami (Outakouami). By a portage thence
across the "height of land" (watershed), one would reach a small
river falling into Lake Mistassini, the headwaters of Rupert River,
which flows into the Southern end of James Bay.

The second route is more vaguely stated ; but it seems probable
that by it the traveler would ascend the St. Maurice to its sources,
proceeding thence across the watershed to the Waswanipi River, a
tributary of the N otto way (on old maps, "river of the Iroquois"),
which last stream enters Rupert Bay, not far from the rnouth of the
Rupert River. De 1 Isle s map of 1703 shows the Ouakouingoue-
chiouek River rising in Lake Ouapichianon, and flowing N. W. into

824 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES

Riviere des Pitchibourouni (East Main River). Such location does
not agree with the description in our text ; for that lake and river could
not be reached from the Metaberoutin (St. Maurice), without making
a long journey N. E. from the latter river, and crossing the Rupert.
The route pursued by the Nipissing Indians would, via the Ottawa
and Lake Temiscaming, reach Lake Abittibi, the outlet of which,
Abittibi River, unites with the Moose River, near the discharge of
the latter into James Bay. By a similar route, to the west of the
Abittibi, the Algonkins at the north end of Lake Huron could easily
reach Moose River; and those dwelling north and west of Lake
Superior found ready access to Hudson Bay via Lake Winnipeg,
and Nelson River. The interior route to Three Rivers mentioned
in the text, probably followed the network of rivers and lakes lying
between the Ottawa and the St. Maurice, of which the principal
streams are the Gatineau and the Ribbon.

21 (p. 249). In this survey of the Northwestern tribes, the central
point of view is a Pottawattomie village called by the Jesuits St.
Michel, although it is not recorded that they had a residence there
in. It is impossible to locate this place accurately, but it was ap
parently at some point on the west shore of Lake Michigan. Here
one of the numerous Pottawattomie bands was sojourning, together
with some of the Petun (Tobacco) Hurons, who had fled from the
rage of the Iroquois. Their nearest neighbors were the Kiskakons,
an Ottawa tribe ; and the Negawichi, a band of the Illinois. This last
" nation " is mentioned in the text as the Aliniwek, the most popu
lous of all ; they then occupied S. W. Wisconsin and the greater part
of Illinois. North of these Pottawattomies dwelt the Winnebagoes,
around the south end of Green Bay; the Menomonees, on the west
shore of the bay, as far down as the river which bears their name ;
and, beyond, the Noukek, or Nouquets (cf. Roquai, vol. xviii.,
p. 231), who have given name to Bay de Noquet in Delta county,
Mich. The Menomonees were known to the French as Folles
Avotnes,"ttie people of the wild oats," the wild rice, a grain
(Zizania aquatica) mentioned in this paragraph, for the first time
in the Relations.

Inland from St. Michel were the Mascoutens and Outagamies or
Foxes (Fr. Renards}, the former along the Upper Fox River, the
latter northward along the Wolf. "The two Frenchmen" men
tioned as visiting these tribes were Radisson and Groseilliers, The
Oumamis, or Miamis were located in a nearly opposite direction,
across the lake, in S. W. Michigan.

The Poualak (vol. xlii., note 12) must have been at this time in
Eastern Minnesota, along the west shore of the Mississippi; their
relatives, the Assinipoualak, dwelt west of Lake Nipigon (Alimi-

NOTES TO VOL. XLIV 325

beg), and N. W. of Lake Superior. Between these tribes lay the
villages of the (Eastern) Sioux (Nadouechi). The Mantoue (Man-
dans?) can hardly be those mentioned in 1640 as living in the
Northern peninsula of Michigan (vol. xviii., p. 231).

The great Cree nation (Kilistinons; vol. xviii., note 15) is here
divided according to locality : first, those about Lake Nipigon ; next,
probably those west of James Bay; then those between Lake
Nipigon and Moose River, a region easy of access to the Nipissing
Indians. The Nisibourounik tribe were probably the dwellers on
the East Main River (see preceding note).

The last nation mentioned in the text apparently overlooked in
the enumeration of Southern tribes is the Atsistagherronnons
(vol. xx., note 7), or Mascoutens. Evidently the Mascoutens on the
Upper Fox (v. supra} were a band who had migrated northward
from the rest of their tribe.

22 (p. 261). This nun was Frangoise, daughter of Robert Giffard.
Her death is recorded in the Journ. des Jlsuites, under the date
here given.